故宫博物院近期对外及港澳台地区的文化交流

故宫博物院作为国内藏品最多、最有影响力的综合类博物馆,一直保持十分活跃的对外交流态势。2008年以来,故宫博物院积极与国(境)外博物馆建立战略合作关系,打造长期交流机制。如举办和参加各类形式的涉外展览,扩大了对外交流空间;开展并深化项目交流与合作,拓宽了国际视野和交流平台;充分利用各种平台开展多层次学术交流,开展有针对性的出访活动;建立了与国(境)外博物馆的沟通联系;完成多项国宾接待任务;接收海外和港澳实习生等。此外,全面推进两岸故宫的交流与合作。将来,故宫博物院将一如既往地积极开展此类文化交流,让世界了解、欣赏和接受优秀的中国传统文化。     

西方人在华博物馆的本土化转向——以震旦博物院和上海博物院为例

以震旦博物院和上海博物院为代表的西方人在华建立的博物馆,除了是西方在华文化殖民的表现外,还是西方在华收集自然史信息的机构,旨在开展自然史标本收藏和研究工作,以服务西方自然史研究和了解中国的需求.到了 20世纪二三十年代,它们开始重视博物馆作为公共文化机构的作用,展览和社会教育成为这些博物馆的重要活动,并以此向中国社会开...     

1967年香港反英抗暴斗争后中国对港贸易的恢复

1967年香港的反英抗暴斗争,是中英关系史和香港发展史上一次有重大影响的事件。因此次事件,中国内地暂停经香港的转口业务,港英当局对内地采取贸易歧视政策,美国、日本和中国台湾等乘机加紧对港澳市场的争夺。到1968年,中国商品占香港进口市场份额退居第二位,位列日本之后。在此背景下,中国政府采取强有力措施,迅速恢复和扩大对港澳地区的出口供应。透过历史的考察与分析,可以看出中央政府确保对港澳市场的稳定供应具有战略意义,体现出中央保持港澳地区长期繁荣稳定的方针是一贯的。在反英抗暴斗争中,中央政府坚持有理、有利、有节的斗争方针,在外贸总量同期大幅度下降的情况下,中英贸易没有受到太大的影响。     

Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese Sovereignty

A team of Hong Kong-based geographers led by a noted specialist provides a comparative overview of Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese sovereignty (respectively, since 1997 and 1999). The authors outline the historical development of both cities, identifying their common legacies as colonial enclaves as well as shared economic experience as autonomous Special Administrative Regions (SARs) under the "one country, two systems" formula devised in Beijing. The paper includes up-to-date statistical information (some through March 2008) on per capita GDP, visitors from Mainland China and from abroad (for both cities), direct investment, employment in financial services, trade and logistics, and tourism (for Hong Kong) as well as revenues from gambling casinos in Macao that are reportedly surpassing those of Las Vegas. Journal of Economic Literature, O16, O18, O20, R11. Classification Numbers: 11 figures, 4 tables, 46 references.     

改革开放以来抗日战争胜利纪念活动述论

新中国成立后,政务院即确定每年的9月3日为抗日战争胜利纪念日。改革开放后,每当抗战胜利纪念日,尤其"逢十"纪念之期,国家和社会均会举行各式各样的纪念活动。这些活动主要有召开纪念大会或座谈会,发表社论或纪念文章,开展文化艺术活动等。抗战胜利纪念的社会功能包括:第一,铭记历史事实,宣传国耻记忆、抗争历史、和平经验;第二,进行政治动员,动员全国人民参与社会主义建设、投身改革开放事业、献力中华民族伟大复兴梦想;第三,塑造国家形象,中国对世界反法西斯战争的贡献、中国共产党是抗日战争的中流砥柱、抗日战争形成的伟大精神财富;第四,协调各方关系,中国与世界、大陆与港澳台、共产党与国民党的关系。     

邓小平"一国两制"思想研究述评

党的十一届三中全会之后,在世界形势发生深刻变化、和平与发展成为时代主题的历史条件下,邓小平集中全党和全国人民的智慧,从中国的实际出发,在充分尊重历史和现实的基础上,创造性地提出了"一个国家,两种制度"的科学构想.作为我国解决台湾、香港、澳门问题、实现祖国统一的一项基本国策,"一国两制"构想从提出到实践,都受到了广泛的关注,成为国内外学者研究的热门课题之一.     

Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese Sovereignty: A Framing Discourse

A senior American specialist on China and noted geographer presents a framing commentary and analysis of three preceding papers (Yeung et al., 2008; Shen, 2008; and Tang, 2008) comprising a symposium on Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese sovereignty after Great Britain and Portugal ceased to govern these cities in the late 1990s. The paper commences with an historical overview, noting the years of colonial rule, discussing relations with Mainland China before and after its economic reforms were set in motion, and evaluating the post-handover period in light of the material and arguments in the preceding papers. Included in the paper is also a section on environmental degradation in Hong Kong. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: N950, O18, Q30, R11. 3 figures, 17 references.     

Front doors to freedom,portal to the past: history at the Ellis Island immigration museum,New York

Heritage sites and museums play a significant role in the production and legitimization of historical knowledges and social identities. The potential for these institutions to act in ways that maintain deep‐rooted inequalities in the relative power of social groups has long been noted by academic commentators. A critique of the role of museums in reproducing ‘official’ histories is now well established. In this paper we explore new ways of conceptualizing and empirically exploring the production and politics of museum histories. By tracing the historical development of museums, we explore the power play between individual actors and institutions involved in production of the museum, and the multi‐vocal histories and landscapes which result from the interaction between these actors. We illustrate these arguments through a case study of Ellis Island Immigration Museum in New York Harbor.     

日本学者松本洪对中国历史植被变迁的开拓性研究

[提要]本文对日本学者松本洪撰写的《上代北支那の森林》一书进行了介绍性评价,指出该书是较早系统研究中国北方历史时期植被变迁的一部重要著作,但由于历史原因,中国历史地理学界对此书是一无所闻。松本洪在上个世纪40年代初期完成的这部著作,具有重要的先导意义,特别是在利用历史文献记载来复原中国北方古代森林植被形态这一点上,史念海后来所做的研究虽然在学术深度上要远远超出于松本洪之上,并且还普遍结合有实地考察和对考古发掘资料的运用,但是其基本思路和研究方法却与松本洪完全相同。因此,松本洪理应作为中国历史植被变迁研究的开拓者而被写在近代学术史里。     

The Last Stand of Colonialism? The Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Councils and the Sino-British Negotiations Over Hong Kong, 1982–1984

ABSTRACT

As influential leaders in Hong Kong, the Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Council (UMELCO) were arguably the only group of Hong Kong people permitted to take part in the Sino-British negotiations that defined the future of Hong Kong. But almost no studies have explored the broader significance of their participation in the negotiations. Using recently declassified British documents, this article argues that, in the wider history of decolonisation, UMELCO’s petition for British administration belonged to the less noticed voices that called for alternatives to independence. UMELCO’s participation also reveals how the negotiations challenged Hong Kong’s autonomy. Although governors at times advocated Hong Kong’s interests vis-a-vis London, the governor’s autonomy during the negotiations was restricted, so the appeal of UMELCO was further weakened. Although UMELCO wanted to preserve the existing system, their actions inadvertently boosted the rise of ‘Hong Kong people’ as an idea and encouraged local people to demand more democracy. The structure of ExCo, LegCo and the government was mostly inherited by post-1997 Hong Kong, while some of UMELCO shifted to the Chinese side, suggesting the irony that a supposedly anti-colonial China lived with a state that came largely from colonial rule.     

省志中港澳事务归属之浅见

通过编修《山西省志·外事侨务志》以及阅读部分省志的外事志、侨务志,认为把港澳事务纳入外事志或侨务志是不妥的。由于港澳问题涉及国家主权和领土完整,建议放入政府志中。     

香港回归的历史"前奏曲"——1979年3月邓小平与麦理浩的"北京会谈"述略

1979年3月香港总督麦理浩的北京之行,代表英国方面以香港"土地契约"问题为"突破口"逼中国方面对过"九七"的"英国管治"作出让步,第一次将中英两国政府"长期搁置"的香港"九七"前途问题明朗化.而邓小平"叫香港的投资者放心"的正面回应,初步揭示了中国共产党和中国政府关于"九七"以后"香港还可以搞它的资本主义"的战略思考.以此为契机,中国共产党和中国政府开始初步调整当代中国"国家统一"的战略重心,将以"一国两制"的"新思维"解决香港问题的"时间表"提前,探索将"台湾版"的"一国两制"香港化".     

Identity and Place: the testament of designated heritage in Hong Kong

This paper examines the extent to which the identity of Hong Kong as a place, and of the Hong Kong Chinese as people, is expressed by the official heritage locations (the seventy-five Declared Monuments) designated by Hong Kong's Antiquities and Monuments Office. The discussion takes account of other heritage initiatives, in particular two recent monuments that commemorate the 1997 Handover of Hong Kong to China. Conclusions are that designated heritage in Hong Kong, more by chance than by deliberate strategy, reflects significant elements of the identities of the Hong Kong people and of Hong Kong as a place. However, more important to the Hong Kong Chinese person's sense of identity than built heritage are the bonds of kin and associated social events.     

Museums,memory and meaning‐creation: (re)constructing the Tajik nation

To overcome the traumas of the 1992–1997 civil war, the Tajik authorities have turned to history to anchor their post‐independence nation‐building project. This article explores the role of the National Museum of Tajikistan, examining how the museum discursively contributes to ‘nationalising’ history and cultural heritage for the benefit of the current Tajik nation‐building project. Three main discursive strategies for such (re)construction of Tajik national identity are identified: (1) the representation of the Tajiks as a transhistorical community; (2) implicit claims of the site‐specificity of the historical events depicted in the museum, by representing these as having taken place within the territory of present‐day Tajikistan, thereby linking the nation to this territory; and (3) meaning‐creation, endowing museum objects with meanings that fit into and reinforce the grand narrative promulgated by the museum. We conclude that the National Museum of Tajikistan demonstrates a rich and promising, although so far largely unexplored, repertoire of representing Tajik nationness as reflected in historical artefacts and objects of culture: the museum is indeed an active participant in shaping discursive strategies for (re)constructing the nation.     

‘An Organic Part of the Whole Structure’: John Curtin's Empire

In March 1957 Harold Macmillan expressed to Dwight Eisenhower that the British government was ‘considering abandoning Hong Kong’. The hitherto unknown Hong Kong Question in 1957 grew primarily out of Britain's imperial decline, and particularly the difficulties of defending Hong Kong. During the Cold War Hong Kong was a colony too valuable for Britain to abandon in peace, and yet too peripheral to be worth committing scarce resources to for its survival at war. The British dilemmas were exacerbated by the 1956 riots in Hong Kong and the general defence review undertaken by the Macmillan government in 1957, both of which raised serious questions about the adequacy of a reduced garrison to maintain internal security. The United States also showed concern about the future of the British colony in the light of Anglo-American differences over the Suez crisis and China policy. As a result of the Bermuda and Washington conferences in 1957, the Anglo-American relationship was restored by Eisenhower and Macmillan, a restoration which, as the latter saw it, made Hong Kong ‘a joint defence problem’ between the two allies. Together with the Chinese communist policy of leaving the colony alone, the Hong Kong Question was thus resolved inadvertently.     

故宫博物院信息电子化四讲

本文是作者四年间就故宫信息电子化有关专题的四次讲话,它从一个特殊的侧面展现出故宫博物院在这一文博新兴领域的建设总体思路和推进发展轨迹。其一论述了信息电子化在故宫全局工作和改革进程中的战略意义以及网站建设的原则;其二回顾了故宫信息电子化的总体思路和起步策略,小结了信息电子化基础建设的阶段性成果;其三总结了故宫信息电子化总体思路中大视角、高起点的三个与众不同的特点,指明了“数字故宫”的前景;其四以文物流通管理系统为例,再次论证了信息电子化对有效保护、合理利用、严格管理和队伍素质提高的重要意义,指出这项工作在故宫已进入了不可逆转的历史新阶段。     

故宫博物院与辛亥革命

1911年爆发的辛亥革命是中国近代完全意义上的民族民主革命运动,它为中国博物馆事业的发展创造了条件。1925年成立的故宫博物院则是辛亥革命未竟之业,标志着中国民族民主运动在文化领域的胜利。然而,由于文献记载和档案资料稀少零散,加之辛亥革命发生与故宫博物院成立相隔时间较长,辛亥革命对故宫博物院建院的推动,以及故宫博物院开院之于辛亥革命事业的意义,未受到足够的重视,国内外相关研究也十分薄弱。通过梳理历史文献及档案,本文以政治内涵、文化认同和博物馆事业为视角,阐释了故宫博物院与辛亥革命之间的密切联系,并力图客观地呈现当时社会事件的历史情境。     

The political commentary on May Fourth in 1950s Hong Kong and Taiwan

Abstract

“May Fourth” has long been considered a turning point for modern China, resulting in continuous heated discussion on the topic since the 1920s. These discussions not only reexamine culture but also have political intent. Many recent scholars have discussed the “ideologization” of May Fourth from the perspective of “memory politics.” They argue that “May Fourth discourse” was not only used to understand and recapture the past, but also to help one’s own cherished values occupy a core position in modern Chinese history, thus using historical interpretation to create a compass for China’s future that conforms to historical tides. From the four great philosophies of modern China, the Nationalists and Communists have incorporated May Fourth into the “Three People’s Principles” and “New Democracy,” respectively. Liberals held up democracy and science as a need for China’s future, and made efforts to propagate and practice democracy in Hong Kong and Taiwan after 1949. As for New Confucians who had continuously criticized May Fourth for being anti-tradition, they supported traditional values but also believed that democracy and science were a “priority and necessity for China's cultural development,” and hoped to use the spirit behind this ideal. They along with liberals criticized the Nationalist and Communist autocracy for departing from May Fourth ideals, and especially noted how May Fourth created fertile ground for the rise and expansion of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), “resulting in the growth of the Communist Party,” and the Nationalist government’s move to Taiwan. After 1949, Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) and the Guomindang (GMD) Nationalist Party he led primarily assessed the May Fourth Movement by synthesizing the views of the liberals and New Confucians. They highlighted the slogans of saving the nation, ethics, democracy, and science to promote ethical education and “national spirit education” as top-priority cultural policies. The focus of this article is to examine how liberals and New Confucians used the topic of May Fourth to criticize the CCP and GMD in Hong Kong and Taiwanese political commentary magazines during the 1950s (approximately 1949–1960). It also explores how the GMD synthesized liberal and New Confucian views to lay out their own position. This discourse shows how May Fourth had diverse interpretations under the context of conflict between the liberals and the New Confucians as well as Nationalists and Communists. The criticism of the ideologization of May Fourth in recent years is actually an important turning point in the scholarly study of May Fourth.     

Policy and creative strategies: Hong Kong CEPA films in the China market

Abstract

This article examines the creative strategies of Hong Kong Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA) films in engagements with the China market under the framework of CEPA introduced in 2004. One of the aims of CEPA for the film sector is to boost co-production between Hong Kong and the mainland. In the past 10 years, CEPA has dramatically changed Hong Kong cinema’s relationship with China in that major film directors have moved to produce CEPA films to tap into the rapidly growing mainland market. This shift has been considered as part of HKSAR’s overall mainlandization and subsequent disappearance of a distinct local identity. This article revisits this view by presenting two case studies to see if indeed Hong Kong CEPA pictures are devoid of Hong Kong elements. The case studies analyze textual elements of two CEPA blockbuster films, The Mermaid (dir. Stephen Chow, 2016) and The Taking of Tiger Mountain 3D (dir. Tsui Hark, 2014). Citing the intertextual allusions to the directors’ old works seen in these two films, the authors argue that the market advantage granted by the CEPA scheme in effect allowed Hong Kong filmmakers to revive and extend signature creative strategies of Hong Kong cinema, despite censorship constraints.