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1.
Fabio Bolzonar 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2016,21(3):445-463
A paradox exists in relation to contemporary European Christian democracy. Its ideological influence has increased as Christian democratic parties have declined. This is particularly evident in Italy since the demise of the Democrazia Cristiana (DC). By investigating the ideological development of Italian parties and some key policy reforms that they introduced after the fall of the DC, this article explains this ‘Christian democratization of politics’, a process by which Catholic ideals and symbols acquire a decisive impact on the Italian party system. Three types of Christian democratization are individuated and analyzed: the gradual replacement of liberal values with Catholic political ideas in the positions taken by liberal-oriented parties; the novel synthesis between social Catholicism and social democracy by moderate left-wing coalitions; and the Lega Nord’s use of Catholic values to stress populist positions and identity issues. 相似文献
2.
DAVID ABERBACH 《Nations & Nationalism》2008,14(3):478-497
ABSTRACT. From Byron's death at Missolonghi in 1824 to D'Annunzio's capture of Fiume for Italy in 1919, the nationalism of universal liberalism and independence struggles changed, in literature as in politics, to cruel dictatorial fascism. Byron was followed by a series of idealistic fighter‐poets and poet‐martyrs for national freedom, but international tensions culminating in World War I exposed fully the intolerant, brutal side of nationalism. D'Annunzio, like Byron, both a major poet and charismatic war leader, was a key figure in transforming nineteenth‐century democratic nationalism into twentieth‐century dictatorial fascism. The poet's ‘lyrical dictatorship’ at Fiume (1919–20) inspired Mussolini's seizure of power in 1922, with far‐reaching political consequences. The poet became the dangerous example of a Nietzschean Übermensch, above common morality, predatory and morally irresponsible. This article shows how the meaning of nationalism was partly determined and transformed by poets, illustrating their role as ‘unacknowledged legislators of the world’. 相似文献
3.
Chris Barker 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(8):1143-1163
This paper examines the formal filters of the public's political will defended by JS Mill as consistent with the best form of representative government. Holding that institutions must adjust to democratic society, and that democratic society must be improved to achieve wise rule, Mill rejects secret ballots and electoral pledges, and advocates a constitutional council and graduated enfranchisement. He also recommends but does not require the indirect election of the President and a unicameral legislature. Mill's historically sensitive approach puts pressure on interpreters to be sensitive to their own political and social context when applying Mill's ideas. In particular, obviously undemocratic measures such as plural voting should be adjusted to reflect Mill's view that the ratio between legitimacy and competence is constantly changing. The continual readjustment between the powers of masses and elites is the way that Mill's Considerations on Representative Government manage to avoid the now-traditional charge of expertocracy. 相似文献
4.
Benjamin Gray 《History of European Ideas》2018,44(6):719-742
ABSTRACTThis paper examines ideas of individual freedom in the Hellenistic city-states (c. 323–31 BCE). It concentrates on the civic ideas expressed in the laws and decrees of Hellenistic cities, inscribed on stone, comparing them with Hellenistic historical and philosophical works. It places different Hellenistic approaches alongside modern liberal, neo-Roman republican and civic humanist theories of individual liberty, finding some overlaps with each of those modern approaches. The argument is that the Hellenistic Greeks developed innovative ways of combining demanding ideals of civic virtue and the common good with equally robust ideals of individual freedom and ethical choice. They did so not least by adapting and developing traditional Greek approaches close to modern civic humanism, in ways very relevant to modern debates about how to reconcile civic duty, the common good and pluralism. 相似文献
5.
FEDERICO FINCHELSTEIN 《History and theory》2017,56(3):362-369
Carl Schmitt's work defines the history and theory of political myth. But analyzing it represents a challenge to historians and theorists alike. For many historians, Schmitt should be analyzed in his own context, whereas theorists study his writings without enough consideration of the specific context in which he conceived his texts. In this essay, I argue that Schmitt not only contributed to the fascist glorification of the mythical and its novel enactment as the driving force of fascism, but he also represents one of the most intriguing and influential interpreters of the political theory of myth, challenging in turn theories of democracy and the role of reason and secularism in historiography. 相似文献
6.
《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(3):167-191
Abstract Deutsch, Kenneth L., and John A. Murley, eds. Leo Strauss, the Straussians, and the Study of the American Regime Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield 467 pp., $70.00 cloth, $29.95 paper ISBN 0-8476-8691-4 cloth, ISBN 0-8476-8692-2 paper Publication Date: October 1999 UNITED STATES: Politics and Public Policy: McElroy, John Harmon American Beliefs: What Keeps a Big Country and a Diverse People United Chicago: Ivan R. Dee 260 pp., $25.00 cloth, $14.95 paper ISBN 1-56663-231-5 cloth ISBN 1-56663-314-1 paper Publication Date: April 1999 Leo, Richard A., and George C. Thomas III, eds. The Miranda Debate: Law, Justice, and Policing Boston: Northeastern University Press 339 pp., $24.95 paper, $55.00 cloth ISBN 1-55553-338-8 cloth ISBN 1-55553-422-8 paper Publication Date: February 2000 Bums, James MacGregor, and Georgia J. Sorenson Dead Center: Clinton-Gore Leadership and the Perils of Moderation New York: Simon and Schuster 416 pp., $27.50, ISBN 0-684-83778-1 Publication Date: November 1999 Freeman, Jo, and Victoria Johnson, eds. Waves of Protest: Social Movements since the Sixties Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield 381 pp., $72.00 cloth, $23.95 paper ISBN 0-8476-8747-3 cloth ISBN 0-8476-8748-1 paper Publication Date: June 1999 Peters, Shawn Francis Judging Jehovah's Witnesses: Religious Persecution and the Dawn of the Rights Revolution Lawrence: University Press of Kansas 342 pp., $34.95, ISBN 0-7006-1008-1 Publication Date: April 2000 Pryor, Frederic L., and David L. Schaffer Who's Not Working and Why: Employment, Cognitive Skills, Wages, and the Changing U.S. Labor Market New York: Cambridge University Press 300 pp., $34.95, ISBN 0-521-65152-2 Publication Date: January 1999 Weber, Ronald E., and Paul Brace, eds. American State and Local Politics: Directions for the Twenty-first Century New York: Seven Bridges Press/Chatham House 361 pp., $29.95 paper ISBN 1-56643-071-2 paper Publication Date: September 1999 McAvoy, Gregory E. Controlling Technocracy: Citizen Rationality and the NIMBY Syndrome Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press 168 pp., $55.00 cloth, $18.95 paper ISBN 0-87840-740-5 cloth ISBN 0-87840-741-3 paper Publication Date: October 1999 Uslaner, Eric M. The Movers and the Shirkers: Representatives and Ideologues in the Senate Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 234 pp., $44.50, ISBN 0-472-10943-X Publication Date: September 1999 Mazur, Eric Michael The Americanization of Religious Minorities: Confronting the Constitutional Order Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press 196 pp., $38.00, ISBN 0-8018-6220-5 Publication Date: November 1999 Sharpe, Elaine B., ed. Culture Wars and Local Politics Lawrence: University Press of Kansas 250 pp., $35.00 cloth. $16.95 paper ISBN 0-7006-0935-0 cloth ISBN 0-7006-0936-9 paper Publication Date: 1999 Orr, Marion Black Social Capital: The Politics of School Reform in Baltimore, 1986-1998 Lawrence: University Press of Kansas 241 pp., $35.00 cloth, $17.95 paper ISBN 0-7006-0981-4 cloth ISBN 0-7006-0982-2 paper Publication Date: October 1999 Scotchie, Joseph, ed. The Paleoconservatives: New Voices of the Old Right New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction 212 pp., $29.95, ISBN 1-56000-427-4 Publication Date: April 1999 Lamis, Alexander P., ed. Southern Politics in the 1990s Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press 490 pp., $39.95, ISBN 0-8071-2374-9 Publication Date: September 1999 Phillips, Kimberley L. Alabama North: African-American Migrants, Community, and Working-Class Activism in Cleveland, 1915-1945 Champaign: University of Illinois Press 334 pp., $59.95 cloth, $21.95 paper ISBN 0-252-02477-X cloth ISBN 0-252-06793-2 paper Publication Date: December 1999 Horwitz, Morton J. The Warren Court and the Pursuit of Justice: A Critical Issue New York: Hill and Wang 132 pp., $10.00 paper ISBN 0-8090-1625-7 paper Publication Date: April 1999 Portz, John, Lana Stein, and Robin R. Jones City Schools and City Politics: Institutions and Leadership in Pittsburgh, Boston, and St. Louis Lawrence: University Press of Kansas 199 pp., $35.00 cloth, $16.95 paper ISBN 0-7006-0979-2 cloth ISBN 0-7006-0980-6 paper Publication Date: September 1999 Jones, Charles O. Clinton and Congress, 1993-1996: Risk, Restoration, and Reelection Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 221 pp., $26.95, ISBN 0-8061-3164-0 Publication Date: October 1999 UNITED STATES: Foreign Policy and National Security: Luck, Edward C. Mixed Messages: American Politics and International Organization, 1919-1999 Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press 374 pp. + xvii, $49.95 cloth, $19.95 paper ISBN 0-8157-5308-X cloth ISBN 0-8157-5307-1 paper Publication Date: November 1999 Ninkovich, Frank The Wilsonian Century: U.S. Foreign Policy since 1900 Chicago: University of Chicago Press 320 pp., $27.50, ISBN 0-226-58648-0 Publication Date: January 1999 Carothers, Thomas Aiding Democracy Abroad: The Learaing Curve Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 408 pp., $39.95 cloth, $19.95 paper ISBN 0-87003-168-6 cloth ISBN 0-87003-169-4 paper Publication Date: November 1999 Cossa, Ralph A., ed. U.S.-Korea-Japan Relations: Building toward a “Virtual Alliance” Washington, DC: CSIS Press 207 pp., $21.95 paper ISBN 0-89206-358-0 paper Publication Date: December 1999 Gienow-Hecht, Jessica C. E. Transmission Impossible: American Journalism as Cultural Diplomacy in Postwar Germany, 1945-1955 Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press 230 pp., $47.50 cloth, $22.50 paper ISBN 0-8071-2310-2 cloth ISBN 0-8071-2409-5 paper Publication Date: November 1999 Mermin, Jonathan Debating War and Peace: Media Coverage of U.S. Intervention in the Post-Vietnam Era Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 162 pp., $45.00 cloth, $14.95 paper ISBN 0-691-00533-8 cloth ISBN 0-691-00534-6 paper Publication Date: January 1999 CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA: Grandin, Greg The Blood of Guatemala: A History of Race and Nation Durham, NC: Duke University Press 343 pp., $54.95 cloth, $18.95 paper ISBN 0-8223-2458-X cloth ISBN 0-8223-2495-4 paper Publication Date: June 2000 Hanchard, Michael, ed. Racial Politics in Contemporary Brazil Durham, NC: Duke University Press 225 pp., $49.95 cloth, $17.95 paper ISBN 0-8223-2252-8 cloth ISBN 0-8223-2272-2 paper Publication Date: September 1999 Pollack, Marcelo The New Right in Chile, 1973-1997 New York: St. Martin's Press 235 pp., $65.00, ISBN 0-312-22278-5 Publication Date: November 1999 EUROPE/COMMONWEALTH OF INDEPENDENT STATES: Sherrington, Philippa The Council of Ministers: Political Authority in the European Union New York: Pinter 213 pp., $69.95 cloth, $24.95 paper ISBN 1-85567-594-3 cloth ISBN 1-85567-721-0 paper Publication Date: April 2000 Dallin, Alexander, and F. I. Firsov, eds.; trans. Vadim A. Staklo (documents) Dimitrov and Stalin, 1934-1943: Letters from the Soviet Archives New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 278 pp., $35.00, ISBN 0-300-08021-2 Publication Date: April 2000 DeClair, Edward G. Politics on the Fringe: The People, Policies, and Organization of the French National Front Durham, NC: Duke University Press 261 pp., $49.95 cloth, $17.95 paper ISBN 0-8223-2237-4 cloth ISBN 0-8223-2139-4 paper Publication Date: August 1999 Ayçoberry, Pierre; trans. Janet Lloyd The Social History of the Third Reich, 1933-1945 New York: New Press 380 pp., $30.00, ISBN 1-56584-549-8 Publication Date: 1999 Huskey, Eugene Presidential Power in Russia Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe 295 pp., $64.95 cloth, $24.95 paper ISBN 1-56324-536-1 cloth ISBN 1-56324-537-X paper Publication Date: September 1999 AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST: Inbar, Efraim Rabin and Israel's National Security Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press/Woodrow Wilson Center Press 276 pp., $32.00, ISBN 0-8018-6217-5 Publication Date: March 1999 Lynch, Marc State Interests and Public Spheres: The International Politics of Jordan's Identity New York: Columbia University Press 327 pp., $49.50 cloth, $18.50 paper ISBN 0-231-11322-6 cloth ISBN 0-231-11323-4 paper Publication Date: September 1999 ASIA AND THE PACIFIC: Baker, Richard W., M. Hadi Soesastro, J. Kristiadi, and Douglas E. Ramage, eds. Indonesia: The Challenge of Change New York: St. Martin's Press 305 pp., $55.00, ISBN 0-312-22261-0 Publication Date: July 1999 Zheng, Yongnian Discovering Chinese Nationalism in China: Modernization, Identity, and International Relations New York: Cambridge University Press 189 pp., $64.95 cloth, $19.95 paper ISBN 0-521-64180-2 cloth ISBN 0-521-64590-5 paper Publication Date: April 1999 Oi, Jean C., and Andrew G. Walder, eds. Property Rights and Economic Reform in China Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press 354 pp., $60.00 cloth, $22.95 paper ISBN 0-8047-3456-9 cloth ISBN 0-8047-3788-6 paper Publication Date: Septmenber 1999 Jumper, Roy Davis Linville Orang Asli Now: The Orang Asli in the Malaysian Political World Lanham, MD: University Press of America 204 pp., $48.00, ISBN 0-7618-1441-8 Publication Date: August 1999 Gong, Gerrit W., ed. Taiwan Strait Dilemmas: China-Taiwan-U.S. Policies in the New Century Washington, DC: CSIS Press 171 pp., $21.95 paper ISBN 0-89206-363-7 paper Publication Date: March 2000 Ruffin, M. Holt, and Daniel C. Waugh, eds. Civil Society in Central Asia Seattle: University of Washington Press 331 pp., $19.95 paper ISBN 0-295-97795-7 paper Publication Date: July 1999 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, LAW, AND ORGANIZATION: Morgan, Patrick M., and Keith L. Nelson, eds. Re-Viewing the Cold War: Domestic Factors and Foreign Policy in the East-West Confrontation Westport, CT: Praeger 223 pp., $69.50 cloth, $24.95 paper ISBN 0-275-96636-4 cloth ISBN 0-275-96637-2 paper Publication Date: March 2000 Becker, David G., and Richard L. Sklar, eds. Postimperialism and World Politics Westport, CT: Praeger 393 pp., $69.50, ISBN 0-275-96613-5 Publication Date: July 1999 Levering, Ralph, and Miriam L. Levering Citizen Action for Global Change: The Neptune Group and Law of the Sea Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press 189 pp., $19.95 paper ISBN 0-8156-2794-7 paper Publication Date: January 1999 Clarke, Desmond M., and Charles Jones, eds. The Rights of Nations: Nations and Nationalism in a Changing World New York: St. Martin's Press 208 pp., $59.95 cloth, $18.95 paper ISBN 0-312-22594-6 cloth ISBN 0-312-22595-4 paper Publication Date: September 1999 Krasner, Stephen D. Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 264 pp., $49.50 cloth, $16.95 paper ISBN 0-691-00702-0 cloth ISBN 0-691-00711-X paper Publication Date: September 1999 COMPARATIVE POLITICS: Christensen, Tom, and B. Guy Peters Structure, Culture, and Governance: A Comparison of Norway and the United States Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield 194 pp., $65.00 cloth, $22.95 paper ISBN 0-8476-9313-9 cloth ISBN 0-8476-9314-7 paper Publication Date: September 1999 Setälä, Maija Referendums and Democratic Government: Normative Theory and the Analysis of Institutions New York: St. Martin's Press 200 pp., $69.95, ISBN 0-312-22101-0 Publication Date: May 1999 THEORY AND METHODOLOGY: Duncan, Christopher M. Fugitive Theory: Political Theory, the Southern Agrarians, and America Lanham, MD: Lexington Books 243 pp., $69.00, ISBN 0-7391-0088-2 Publication Date: December 1999 Walzer, Michael, Menachem Lorberbaum, and Noam J. Zohar, eds.; and Yair Lorberbaum, coeditor The Jewish Political Tradition: Vol. 1, Authority New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 578 pp., $35.00, ISBN 0-300-07822-6 Publication Date: June 2000 Kolnai, Aurel; ed. Daniel J. Mahoney “Privilege and Liberty” and Other Essays in Political Philosophy Lanham, MD: Lexington Books 187 pp., $65.00 cloth, $23.95 paper ISBN 0-7391-0076-9 cloth ISBN 0-7391-0077-7 paper Publication Date: January 2000 相似文献
7.
Olindo De Napoli 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(1):106-122
Abstract Why did the fascist regime adopt racial laws in the 1930s? The laws were aimed first atnon-Europeans and people of mixed race in the colonies, and then at the Jews. This article reviews recent studies on the racial laws, which took a variety of forms, within which the specificity of the anti-Semitic legislation has to be acknowledged even though the legislation against the Jews came at much the same time as the other racial legislation. Were these laws an attempt to imitate Nazi Germany, and hence in some form an off-shoot of foreign policy? Or were there seeds of racism already present in Italian politics and society that found fulfillment in the racial laws? These issues have for some time been the subject of major debate, in which different historiographical traditions have come into conflict, while attention has been drawn to the need to counter attempts to blame others for what remains the responsibility ofItalians. 相似文献
8.
Mario Di Napoli 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(4):503-511
Abstract The extraordinary nature of Garibaldi's life is reflected in his involvement in parliamentary activities across a number of countries (Uruguay, Kingdom of Sardinia, Roman Republic, Kingdom of Italy, French Republic). After the national unification, Parliament became a kind of great sounding board in Garibaldi's strategy thanks in part to the fact that in the Chamber he could count on a group of followers who were always ready to support any issue vaguely to do with memories of the Risorgimento or irredentist aspirations. His failure to steer the new state in the desired direction through the legislative process certainly influenced Garibaldi's negative opinion of parliamentary work. Garibaldi could not however recognize as an expression of popular sovereignty a parliament in whose election only 2 per cent of the population were allowed to participate. His main political battle was the fight for universal suffrage which was intended to enfranchise all Italians, thus turning subjects into citizens and finally making parliamentary institutions nationally representative and democratically legitimate. 相似文献
9.
Giuliana Limiti 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(4):492-502
Abstract The relationship between Mazzini and Garibaldi is described in its ideological roots and in its political developments, in order to show their different attitude towards the Italian unification. Although their first misunderstanding happened during the Roman Republic in 1849, Mazzini's influence is still strong in the organization and in the success of the liberation of Two Sicilies in 1860, particularly through Francesco Crispi. The final personal break was caused by the unlucky experience of the Mentana expedition (1867), when Garibaldi failed to free Rome. Fundamental ideas as democracy, republic, social justice, humanity and universal brotherhood have been however always common to them. The two protagonists of Risorgimento never intended accepting the role to which their fateful encounter prompted them – the one to provide the brawn and the other the brains for Italy's liberation. Just as Mazzini never renounced involving himself in the operational decisions of the movement, Garibaldi never gave up his own way of thinking and looking at things. 相似文献
10.
Sean Irving 《History of European Ideas》2018,44(1):113-127
This article shows how Hayek’s understanding of ‘unlimited democracy’ was influenced by the work of Carl Schmitt. It goes on to make the case that ordoliberal ideas informed his suggestions for limiting democracy, made in response to Schmitt’s work. A number of authors have drawn attention to the influence of Schmitt on Hayek’s thought. Similarly, the ordoliberal relationship has been explored. However, these two influences must be read alongside each other in order to arrive at a full understanding of Hayek’s deep ambivalence towards democracy and how that developed from the 1930s through to the 1970s. Finally, the article makes the case that the decisive influence on Hayek’s later authoritarian turn was not the work of Schmitt, as certain authors have argued, but ordoliberal interpretations of dictatorship. It also argues that Hayek’s model constitution is informed by fundamental ordoliberal concerns. 相似文献
11.
Friedrich Hayek and Michael Polanyi corresponded with each other for the best part of thirty years. They had shared interests that included science, social science, economics, epistemology, history of ideas and political philosophy. Studying their correspondence and related writings, this article shows that Hayek and Polanyi were committed Liberals but with different understandings of liberty, the forces that endanger liberty, and the policies required to rescue it. 相似文献
12.
Edward Andrew 《History of European Ideas》2017,43(2):147-155
SUMMARYPocock's Machiavellian Moment is monumental in its erudition, and thus one may be surprised that Pocock virtually ignored Macpherson's Political Theory of Possessive Individualism in his assessment of seventeenth-century political thought, and ignored Strauss's Thoughts on Machiavelli. Pocock noted that ‘the schools of Marx, Strauss and Voegelin concur’ in holding Locke to be a bourgeois or possessive individualist. Pocock elaborated a paradigm of republicanism as civic humanism as a contrast to liberalism as possessive individualism. Pocock seemed to accept tacitly Macpherson's and Strauss's view that Locke inverted the Aristotelian view of property as a means to political participation, whereby politics became a means to the protection and accumulation of property. Macphersonian scholars have criticised Pocock for misinterpreting the function of property in the Atlantic republican tradition and Straussian scholars have criticised The Machiavellian Moment for its failure to distinguish ancient from modern republics, and for Pocock's failure to appreciate the epochal significance of Machiavelli's call to master fortune or dominate nature through technique. But it is questionable whether or not it is incumbent on an intellectual historian to address present preoccupations about capitalism or global technique. 相似文献
13.
Saverio Battente 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(3):310-321
Abstract This is the first part of a general historiographical review of recent studies on the formation of the modern Italian nation and national identities. The review is organized chronologically and the first part covers literature on the development of the Italian state and society to the end of the nineteenth century. 相似文献
14.
Federico Caprotti 《Journal of Cultural Geography》2013,30(2):181-205
This paper examines the geographical imaginations associated with aviation in fascist Italy, focusing on the representation of flight on the one hand, and on the other hand the role of propaganda flights organized by the regime in the 1930s. The representation and use of aviation in interwar Italy is explored in light of the concept of technological legitimation, based on an understanding of technological practice as a political and ideological instrument. Aviation, as one of the new subjects of artistic representations of the modern era, was grasped by avant-garde and modern movements in the early twentieth century. In turn, representations of aviation were used by Mussolini's regime, which considered it a key to national development and modernization, materially as well as in the representational sphere. Propaganda flights in 1930s Italy were organized by the Ministry of Aeronautics and local aero clubs, and were an expression of the politicized use of aviation, both in terms of representations of technology and the aviator, and the exploitation of flight's public potential for the construction of fascist spectacle. 相似文献
15.
Eileen Ryan 《Modern Italy》2013,18(2):123-135
In 1922–1923, Fascist Party leaders hoped to define a sharp break from previous approaches to colonial rule and imperial expansion in Italy's Libyan territories. Mussolini's nomination of Luigi Federzoni, a leading figure of the Italian Nationalist Association, as the Minister of Colonies at the end of 1922 signalled a new era in Italian colonial administration focused on aggressive expansion and the institution of what was known as a ‘politics of prestige’. This definition of a fascist style of colonial rule appealed to the enthusiasm for violence among blackshirt militias and early fascist supporters in the Libyan territories. This definition of a fascist style of colonial rule, however, inspired immediate reaction from both colonial officials, with stakes in maintaining a measure of continuity and stability, and from those within the nascent Fascist Party who wanted to promote an alternative model of fascism in the colonies. This article examines contests to define fascism and fascist colonial rule in the Libyan territories through the employment of voluntary militias, the competing voices of Fascist Party outposts, and various programmes for the development of a colonial culture. 相似文献
16.
Anna Duensing; 《History and theory》2024,63(1):137-148
Bruce Kuklick's Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture offers a compact, accessible, and broad-reaching survey of “the linguistic career of fascism” in the United States. The book charts the widespread use of the term “fascism” across US political, cultural, and intellectual discourse from the early 1920s up through the present, arguing that rampant, uncritical overuse, outright abuse, and other hyperbolic deployments of the term have purged “fascism” of its analytic value and effectively negated its meaningful critical capacities. Moreover, Kuklick contends that this US “addiction to fascism” as a way to malign ideological and political enemies and express anxieties about the fragility of US democracy impedes accurate assessment of legitimate problems with the country's political system and traditions. This review essay offers a critical assessment of Kuklick's approach, interrogating what his narrow analytic focus on rhetoric and ideas misses and what nuance gets lost in declaring “fascism” a “political swear word” and little else. This thoroughly researched accounting of fascist invectives succeeds in showing that the term has consistently lacked reliable and substantive meaning, but as a survey, the book falters in collapsing its contexts, treating each and every usage of the term as equal and equally meaningless. Engaging with new scholarship on fascism, antifascism, and the modern US Right, as well as with Black radical political thought on fascism since the 1930s, this review essay challenges Kuklick's conclusion that the term “fascism” should be purged from public and intellectual discourse. In turn, it proposes a set of approaches for how we might continue our engagement with greater precision and analytic care. 相似文献
17.
胡适认为世界文化的主流和方向是争民主、争自由,自由主义是可以促进社会文明进步的理论,国民党已经开始向民主政治靠拢;他大力宣传自由主义,在国共斗争中支持国民党,反对共产党的政治理论和政权制度. 相似文献
18.
Suzanne Stewart-Steinberg 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2017,22(4):488-511
Through a close reading of Indro Montanelli’s 1944/1945 novel Here They Do Not Rest, this article argues that the famous and popular Italian journalist Montanelli contributed significantly to a particular Italian form of ‘anti-politics’ after the fall of fascism. It argues that anti-politics in Italy provides the foundation for the county’s right-wing populism and that it makes a significant contribution to political and historiographical revisionism of the fascist past. Indro Montanelli is read as an important architect of this revisionism and as such read against his popular image. 相似文献
19.
Jaume Valentines–Álvarez 《History & Technology》2013,29(3-4):235-258
ABSTRACTThis paper explores the role of Catalan industrial engineers in the making of a stateless nation (within Spain) in the interwar period. After the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939), a home rule for Catalonia was established. In this context, the members of the Barcelona Association of Industrial Engineers developed a techno–nationalist program with the double goal of both making technology Catalan and making Catalonia technological. As an alleged ‘third class’ between the working and ruling classes, industrial engineers sought to use their expertise in scientifically managing the workshop to organize the whole nation. They participated in professional initiatives and official institutions from which they spread the ‘factory ideals’ beyond the factory, such as efficiency, rationalization and statistical monitoring. This paper focuses on the nationalist and technocratic engagement of two leading (and politically diverging) industrial engineers: socialist Estanislau Ruiz-Ponsetí and liberal Josep M. Tallada. 相似文献
20.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(4):181-188
Abstract We argue for the relevance of a contemporary return to Shakespeare because his work prompts thinking about the “Body Politic,” perhaps the most vivid and enduring image in speech describing political community ever proposed. Shakespeare's meditation on this image invites us to reflect on the conditions under which a body politic can be made whole; that the constitution of any formal commonwealth requires a self-conscious articulation of the body politic and that this articulation could not happen without the parts themselves being aware of their partial character within the whole political order. The need for the consent of those parts in the political order to which they would belong thus becomes suddenly more evident. Shakespeare's plays show that this need for consent always emerges within discrete political communities. As such, the constituent parts of those communities must grant consent, exercise and enjoy their rights, and participate in the whole within the limitations circumscribed by their political boundaries and borders. His dramatic works thus help us reconsider contemporary attacks on the nation-state and illuminate the body politic as an essential means for bringing into being the preconditions and framework required for healthy political life, including liberal democracy, to flourish. 相似文献