关于《东林列传》及其影印本有关问题

《东林列传》是研究明末东林党人的重要资料,具有较高的文献参考价值,因此有关《东林列传》的版本问题也是一个值得重视的学术课题。     

诚信在构建和谐社会中的作用

诚信是一个人生活在社会的必须品质,是整个社会良性运行和发展的必要因素。诚信对于社会主义和谐的构建意义重大,主要有三个方面:诚信是稳定当前良好的社会政治局面的必要举措,是推动社会生产力发展的内在动力,是形成良好的社会风气的根本源泉。     

胡适与梁启超学术关系之考察

胡适承认其学术思想受益于梁启超。两人在《管子》、《老子》、孔子、《墨子》问题上存在意见分歧,而在清代学术史研究上则互有启发;其学术关系大致可概括为,胡适对梁启超最初推崇,后心存芥蒂,最终释然;总体上梁启超有长者风度,胡适则尽了后学之谊;他们的学术争鸣体现了健康的学术生态,值得提倡。     

The Right to the World

The global number of refugees, asylum seekers, and those displaced within their countries are at record levels in the post‐World War II era. Meanwhile, efforts by relatively wealthy and powerful nation‐states to exclude unwanted migrants through enhanced territorial control have reached unprecedented heights, producing great harm–most notably premature death–for many. The factors driving out‐migration from homelands made unviable, coupled with multiple forms of violence experienced by migrants, demonstrate the need for an expansion of rights–conceived of as both entitlements and sites of struggle. So, herein, I assert the need for “the right to the world”–specifically a right to mobility and a just share of the Earth's resources–to help realize the promise of a dignified life for all. In making the case for such, the article offers a critical analysis of the contemporary human rights regime and of the “right to the city”.     

Realizing the Right to Development

The Right to Development as established in the 1986 UN Declaration on the Right to Development has now been recognized, through an international consensus arrived at in Vienna in 1993, as a universal and inalienable right and an integral part of fundamental human rights. That has not, of course, settled all the controversy regarding the nature and the content of the Right to Development, but the inter‐governmental debate has shifted more to the methods of implementation of that Right. This article reviews the nature and contents of the Right to Development by virtue of which every individual is entitled to a process of economic, social, cultural and political development in which all human and fundamental freedoms can be realized. It spells out a programme for implementation of the Right, step by step, through national efforts supported by international co‐operation. While the states are primarily responsible for realizing this Right for their citizens, the international community has the obligation of enabling the states to do so. A mechanism is proposed through international compacts to design, promote and monitor the process of implementation.     

论网络匿名表达权

网络匿名表达权与网络实名制之间冲突的本质在于,对表达自由的限制与对限制的限制之间的相互作用。网络匿名表达权既是公民表达权在网络上的延伸和发展,也是公民的一项宪法性权利。网络匿名表达权不仅具有其现实的权利基础,同时也具有其特定的权利边界。     

对加强家庭廉政文化建设的思考

家庭廉政文化是党风廉政建设的重要内容。切实把握家庭廉政文化的内涵,针对存在的问题和原因,全面加强家庭廉政文化建设,是社会和谐发展的需要。     

论西方“历史人类学”及其学术环境

目前学界多站在西方史学脉络中、从西方史学“人类学化“的角度来讨论西方“历史人类学“。本文通过对引发人类学“历史化“的学术环境进行系统揭示,论证了西方人类学脉络中“历史人类学“产生和存在的客观可能性,为全面理解西方“历史人类学“展示了一种新的视角。     

From the Right to Mobility to the Right to the Mobile City: Playfulness and Mobilities in Bogotá’s Cycling Activism

This paper takes cycling activism in Bogotá (Colombia) as a point of departure to conceptualise the right to the mobile city. Mobility is a key site of intervention for claiming the right to the city, but has so far only been considered in terms of access to the city. Such a reading obscures the ways in which mobile practices themselves can be exercises in participation, appropriation, and management of urban space. In examining biketivists’ playful mobilities, I emphasise the centrality of mobility in the production of the city. Foregrounding play as a means to assert use value over exchange value in the city allows for a non-utilitarian understanding of mobility and a reconceptualisation of the right to mobility along Lefebvrian lines. However, playful practices can also produce spaces of exclusion, and nuance is necessary to avoid totalising accounts of cycling politics.     

浅论西方学术界关于全球化问题的争论

西方学术界在是否存在全球化问题上 ,分为“怀疑论”和“全球主义”两大对立阵营。“怀疑论者”认为 :目前所谓的“全球”经济是虚构的 ,由民族—国家为主体的国际政治体系也并没有因全球化而发生任何本质的变化 ,并且人类社会根本没有出现什么全球文明或全球文化。“全球主义者”则认为 :当代的世界经济已经从国际经济发展成为全球经济 ,同时全球化已经导致民族—国家独立自主地处理国内和国际事务能力的下降 ,某种全球政治体系已开始产生 ,并且不论愿意与否 ,全球化已经带来某种超越民族和传统文明集团的世界文化。我们不应将西方有关全球化的理论话语与自由主义、现实主义和马克思主义等理论相混淆。     

从离婚权的演变透视中世纪欧洲犹太妇女的婚姻地位

犹太教允许离婚.在<圣经>时代,犹太男子可以随心所欲地休妻,犹太妇女没有任何话语权.到了<塔木德>时代,犹太社会尽管对男子的单方面休妻权利有所限制,但是并没有从根本上改变婚姻的男权制结构,犹太妇女在离婚问题上依然处于完全被动的地位.这种局面在中世纪的欧洲有了质的改变,而且,这种改变通过犹太社团最具权威的"市集大会"颁布的法规条例而不断地强化,从而使得犹太妇女的婚姻地位在附属中有了改善.     

浅论华侨华人学科建设中的学术批评

目前 ,由于作为综合研究的华侨华人研究的学术年龄尚轻 ,其研究领域呈高度广泛性 ,各个研究领域的资料信息来源与分布呈严重不平衡性 ,以及大量资料信息呈“非原创性” ,这个拟建中的学科尚处于“嫩稚”的发展阶段。缺乏原创性资料信息的成果较多 ,阐述和分析有粗糙化倾向 ,理论建构薄弱 ,研究手段滞后。在这种情况下 ,应加强资料信息、理论和手段方面的创新与互动 ;在鼓励高水平成果的同时 ,宽容地评价来自不同层次的有一定创新的成果 ;加强同行间的学术评价及其机制的探索 ,避免质量认证手段的简单化、绝对化与概念化倾向 ;不提倡片面的逆向学术批评方式 ;增强学术合力和学者“共赢”意识 ;倡导健康的学术批评风气     

中国华侨华人研究的学科建设与学术定位

在前期研究的基础上,进一步对当前华侨华人学科建设与学术定位中的一些认识问题、理论问题进行了阐述。主要观点为:学术研究与政策宣传是相辅相成的。相对独立和自由的学术研究是制定政策的基础工作和必要前提;华人研究不应该以中国社会为中心,而应该以海外华人社会为研究的主要对象;华侨华人研究应该摆脱功利主义的考量和民族情绪的影响,坚持理性思考的科学精神;华侨华人研究应该有宽松的氛围、宽阔的视野和宽容的态度。     

On Academic Foucauldian‐dramaturgy and Modernity in Melanesia

This short paper offers a critical reflection on the uses of Michel Foucault's ideas and the notion of ‘modernity’ which mark a current trend among so many ethnographers of Melanesian life‐worlds. Through the examination of several ethnographic cases I show the limitations of these usages and, correlatively, advocate a more mindful epistemic regard for the cultural realities and the processes of transformations of Melanesian life‐worlds in the present‐day world‐historical context.     

大唐文化与唐人精神散论——以唐人诚信故事为例

唐太宗曾言:"以史为鉴,可以知兴替。"如果能将历代人对当时国家社会治理的满意度与现在作比较,就可以知道现在哪些地方做得好、哪些地方需要改进。本文以唐人诚信故事为例,论述了大唐精神中最有价值的自爱、自信、自尊和让天下人折服的诚信。     

Accountability,Democratisation and the Right to Information in India

ABSTRACT

Accountability is a core democratic value. It envisages that citizens hold the powerful to account for omissions and commissions. Influenced by the global agenda for good governance, the Right to Information (RTI) Act in India was designed to build accountability through transparency. RTI is primarily a result of democratic politics. It emerged from intense grassroots activism – articulating poor and ordinary citizens’ discontent over corruption and other abuses of power. This study is based on six empirical cases of RTI usage in India’s West Bengal province. I argue that even though it is primarily designed to elicit accountability, RTI has emerged as a “seed right” because of its enabling, foundational and evolving dimensions push forward the process of democratisation. When operating individually, our respondents experienced negligible empowerment, but when the relatively powerless citizens organised collectively and were able to work through political institutions such as political parties and CSOs/NGOs, they could convincingly bargain with the powerholders, and elicit some cooperation, if not accountability.