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1.
This symposium examines how the centenary of the First World War has been marked in five countries: Australia, France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States. Given their distinctive national historical experiences and political cultures, the metanarratives of the war in these countries differ; as does the relationship between the state and sub-state actors in memory making. However, in each case the commemorations of the war have been shaped by a negotiation between the state and other agents of memory at the sub-state level. National memory has also been consciously projected into international relations, through carefully orchestrated anniversary ceremonies and performative memorial diplomacy. But, despite these transnational commemorative practices, the centenary of the war remains predominantly framed within local and national imaginings.

这次研讨会议论了一战百年在奥地利、法国、德国、英国、美国这五个国家是如何庆祝的。考虑到各国不同的历史经验以及政治文化,这些国家关于一战的元叙事各不相同,国家与次国家主体关系的记忆也是如此。不过,每个国家的战争纪念,都是国家与其他次国家层面主体协商的结果。通过精心策划的纪念仪式日以及表演性纪念外交,国家记忆被有意识地投射到了国际关系之中。除了这些跨国纪念活动,一战的记忆主要是在地方以及国家的想象框架内形成的。  相似文献   


2.
    
What role does national identity play after civil war? Is reconstruction possible on the basis of an existing identity, or does a new identity have to be found? Much depends on whether narratives of conflict are unifying. I use the tools of cultural sociology to explain why the Finnish Civil War of 1918 has become a unifying ‘cultural trauma’ for the Finns, whereas the Irish Civil War of 1922–23 never became the dominant referent in Irish national identity. The difference is explained by the greater shock civil war posed to Finnish national identity.  相似文献   

3.
    
This paper investigates affective–discursive dimensions of nation‐building via commemorations of nationhood within Aotearoa New Zealand to ask about how these assemblages construct feeling trajectories for citizen participants. We report auto‐ethnographic analyses of participation in specific Anzac Day war remembrance events that occurred in the capital city Wellington. Analyses point to the ways in which engagement in the choreographies of commemoration constructs varied emotion‐laden subject positions for participants and how these psycho‐social differences index and evoke contrasting memorial politics. We conclude that while the differences in affective ambience at different events may prompt citizens towards nationalistic or more conciliatory identity politics, the ceremonies create space for participants to feel and enact diverse affective practices.  相似文献   

4.
Through the prism of current state discourses in Ireland on engagement with the Irish diaspora, this article examines the empirical merit of the related concepts of ‘diaspora’ and ‘transnationalism’. Drawing on recent research on how Irish identity is articulated and negotiated by Irish people in England, this study suggests a worked distinction between the concepts of ‘diaspora’ and ‘transnationalism’. Two separate discourses of authenticity are compared and contrasted: they rest on a conceptualisation of Irish identity as transnational and diasporic, respectively. I argue that knowledge of contemporary Ireland is constructed as sufficiently important that claims on diasporic Irishness are constrained by the discourse of authentic Irishness as transnational. I discuss how this affects the identity claims of second‐generation Irish people, the relationship between conceptualisations of Irishness as diasporic within Ireland and ‘lived’ diasporic Irish identities, and implications for state discourses of diaspora engagement.  相似文献   

5.
    
Kuwait is an oil-rich Gulf country where temporary foreign workers and their families comprise two-thirds of the population, without access to permanent residence or citizenship. Several residents, however, stay for long durations, raising a second or third generation there. Surveys of second plus generation non-nationals were conducted among 973 high school students and 246 working persons in 2012. These surveys were analysed in order to: (i) Advance the understanding of how non-citizens relate to their impermanent status in terms of being happy in Kuwait and considering it home; and (ii) To identify characteristics that enhance the above perceptions. Among students, 48 per cent were extremely happy and 52 per cent considered it as home very strongly; corresponding percentages among working persons were 35 per cent and 48 per cent, respectively. Arab nationality, female gender, longer duration of residence and bilingual proficiency were positively associated with perceptions of belongingness, which may enhance societal harmony.  相似文献   

6.
对冷战后局部战争的地缘政治思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
冷战后,随着苏联的解体,世界格局保持了近半个世纪的力量均势失衡,造成了局部地区的力量真空和失衡。美国则依靠其唯一的大国优势,在\"维护正义\"、\"保护人权\"的幌子下到处发动或参加海外局部战争,使得世界并没有因冷战结束而进入人们所企盼的和平发展时代。从1991年海湾战争至今的12年中,全球发生了几十次局部战争,对世界格局产生着重大的影响。本文仅从冷战后发生的四次大规模局部战争的地缘政治背景分析,来探讨在新的世界格局和新的地缘环境中,我国的地缘政治形势和维护国家安全利益的对策。  相似文献   

7.
《Political Theology》2013,14(1):48-68
Abstract

This article identifies a deep paradox at the heart of the modern state—in its ability and professed purposes to form the moral characters of its citizens—and then offers a Christian response. Were it not for the manifest success of states in persisting in this paradox, it would delegitimize them on grounds of incoherence and duplicity. In an argument that is occasionally Aristotelian, the article shows how modern (secular, liberal) states morally form citizens who willingly submit to the state's formation on grounds that the state has legitimacy so long as it does not claim moral authority. This line of reasoning is explicated with reference to Sheldon Wolin on Alexander Hamilton and feudalism as well as Martha Nussbaum on Aristotle. In response, Christian freedom, ecclesial peoplehood, and poverty not only run counter to state formation but positively resist it.  相似文献   

8.
    
Abstract

Colonial masters considered it their right to take human remains collected from colonies or plundered as a result of war. The skulls of Chief Mkwawa and the sub-chief Songea were looted in the same manner from Tanganyika (now Tanzania) to Germany. While Chief Mkwawa’s skull was returned in 1954, the demands for sub-chief Songea’s skull are ongoing, with the Tanzanian community contesting ownership of human remains in European museums. The absence of bones in graves, particularly those of chiefs, have a major impact on the colonised people as graves are associated with communities’ spirituality and wellbeing. This article shows that without a final resting place for the victims of colonialism, mourning is difficult, traumatic and endless. Individuals, communities and nations bestow social, cultural and political significance on human remains, even those curated in museums. The significance of each group is attached to the affective memorialisation of personal bereavement. What happens, then, when the memorialised graves were created at a time when mourning was impossible and the authority to bury or not to bury was in hands of the colonisers? How do the colonial plunder of human body parts and the demands for their return unfold in the contemporary history of Tanzania? These are some of the questions  相似文献   

9.
  总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
Nina Martin 《对极》2010,42(1):127-151
Abstract:  Transformations in urban economies are leading to the growth of jobs where labor and employment laws are routinely violated. Workers in these jobs are subject to harsh conditions such as low wages, hazardous work sites, and retaliation for speaking up. Many of these workers are undocumented migrants who are in a weak position to make demands on their employers or to request government assistance. These workers often turn to migrant civil society organizations for help with the multiple conflicts they face at work. Drawing on case studies of nonprofit organizations in Chicago, this paper focuses on the role of such organizations in the social reproduction of the migrant workforce. I posit that such organizations are integral to the functioning of the informal economy because the wide range of programs and services that they provide are essential to the social reproduction of migrant workers.  相似文献   

10.
李帆 《史学集刊》2008,5(1):25-28
中华民族认同经历了颇为复杂的历史进程,在近代中国才最终得以实现,成为凝聚全民族力量的核心价值所在.这一认同对于中华民族精神的塑造、丰富与弘扬,对于中华民族精神各项功能的发挥,都起了巨大作用,影响至为深远.  相似文献   

11.
This paper analyzes geopolitical themes prevailing in dominant sectors of the Finnish government and society that have shaped Finland's national identity from the early 19th century to the present. The focus is on the ways cardinal markers (compass directions) have become geopolitical and identity markers. Notions of "West," "Between East and West," "Neither West nor East," and "North" have been used both to position Finland on the world political map and to forge a Finnish national identity. The influence of Russia and Karelians are examined at some length as part of the eastern dimension of Finnish identity. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O52, Z13. 1 figure, 1 table, 94 references.  相似文献   

12.
"认同"是个人对自我社会身份的认知,与特定社会群体的关系及归属感,是当代社会发展重要的心理保障。文化遗产与特定群体的发展历程和发展需求紧密联系,在认同中起到催化和强化的作用。促进认同将对博物馆的收藏、研究、陈列、教育及观众服务等各项工作提出新的任务、带来新的活力。博物馆必须运用其收藏的文化遗产,揭示遗产蕴涵的多层面信息,帮助人们了解自己的发展历程,认清自身特点,强化自我认同。加强公众的民族认同、文化认同、社会认同和国家认同,是当代中国博物馆不容推卸的社会责任。  相似文献   

13.
文彤  秦涔  黎结仪  刘小同 《人文地理》2020,35(2):132-141
不同于精英阶层获取知识的正式教育模式,以非正规群体为代表的社会基层群体更多依靠非正式教育渠道实现知识技能的学习。本文将广州电视塔周边的非正规旅游摄影经营者作为研究对象,在个体访谈和非参与式观察的基础上采用质性研究方法探究其知识技能学习与管理的过程。研究发现非正规旅游经营群体的知识学习表现出明显的集体行为特征,知识在群体组织网络中高度依靠关系导向实现流动共享,并且在群体内部形成了“核心-次核心-边缘”的等级体系,知识的流动又被作为维护等级权威的规训管理手段反作用于群体组织。此外,群体通过知识技能的标准化来增强集体的共享互惠效果,形成非正规旅游经营群体“自下而上”的群体学习与知识流动的有力保障。  相似文献   

14.
五月在中华民族斗争史上具有特殊的地位。许多重要的事件都刻写于此月,它有"纪念月"之称。五月的记忆层层叠加,以耻感为基调,蕴含着深刻的民族内省,以争取民族独立与自由为依归。鉴于五月所具有的巨大政治能量,国民政府对五月记忆进行了有意识的规训。在抗战期间,五月也成为抗战动员的重要文化因素,为抗战胜利和民族复兴做出了积极贡献。国人用鲜血浇筑的"五月梦"寄寓了民族的胜利与自强憧憬。  相似文献   

15.
文嫮  李小建 《人文地理》2003,18(3):73-76
本文采用理论论述与实际调研分析相结合的研究方法,通过对位于河南省偃师市的\"针织之乡\"--翟镇的本地针织业网络的实地研究,着重从我国特殊的历史文化背景出发,深入探讨了中小企业的网络学习过程。笔者指出在翟镇针织业本地网络中的、受传统历史文化影响的、诸如面对面交流、接触这些非正式联系是学习的主要通道。通过网络中行为主体间积极的互动,知识不断的循环流转,最终实现了创新,构筑了区域不可低挡的竞争优势。这对我国其它地区传统产业区的发展具有一定的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

16.
    
This paper explores national identity in Sleswig by examining three cultural communities. It describes the changing public appearance of these communities at different points in time, but it also reveals diverse layers of affiliation within them. By focusing on the prewar Danish community in Prussian North Sleswig, the interwar German community in Denmark, and the postwar Danish community in Germany, the essay examines the national dichotomy in diverse temporal and societal settings. The multifaceted appearance of these identities makes their analysis both challenging and intriguing.  相似文献   

17.
This article examines the symbolic construction of Canadian national identity by the 1993–2006 Liberal governments and the 2006–2015 Conservative governments. To do so, it employs the concept of a ‘national symbolic order’, which refers to the complex set of public symbols that invoke, transport, and define claims to a shared national identity. Within Canada's national symbolic order, we focus on the state's use of national symbols across two domains: Speeches from the Throne and banknotes. Our analysis shows that Canada's recent Conservative government has used both of these domains to reshape Canadian national identity in ways that accord with neo-conservative values and ideology, and that it has done so in a coherent, consistent, and comprehensive fashion. This analysis highlights the symbolic strategies employed by state actors in linking particular ideologies to their nation-building projects; these strategies span multiple political and policy spaces.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT. The current interest in Englishness and English national identity, spurred partly by parliamentary devolution to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, has been accompanied by calls for an English parliament and even the promotion of a robust English nationalism. This article argues that this is a mistaken direction for the English. English traditions have been non‐national and even supra‐national. English identities have been especially bound up with Britain and Britishness. An England without Britain is hard to conceive, and would be impolitic to pursue. Survey evidence shows continuing Britishness among the English, with scant support for an English parliament or English independence. The expressions of English nationalism remain relatively muted. ‘England for the English’ is neither a realistic nor a sensible strategy.  相似文献   

19.
    
As national groups are concerned, constructivist argumentation typically follows the process of establishing national identities. Thus, it commonly studies the development of a nationally indifferent population to a population that is nationally conscious. On a general level, this paper analyses and illustrates the opposite process, i.e., the process of ‘denationalization’, or in other words, the emergence of national indifference (i.e. national indifferentiation). I study how nationally conscious groups of Czech colonists from the military frontier, who in the 1820s settled in the village of Svatá Helena in Banat gradually became a nationally indifferent group (mainly after their migration to Bulgaria where they founded the village of Voyvodovo) whose defining mark and principle of organisation became religion.  相似文献   

20.
    
The National Museum of Korean Contemporary History, which opened in 2012, has been the focus of a heated controversy between the progressive and conservative camps over the “proper” ways to represent South Korea’s turbulent history. I build on the relationship between heritage, collective memory and national identity, and argue that the division that typifies South Korean society has implications that extend beyond socio-political issues. Anchored within a broader discursive context, the museum became an important memory carrier involved in the process of debating the issue of national identity. Although no agreement has been reached regarding the “proper” historical narrative the site should exhibit, the museum has nevertheless offered an opportunity to shape a form of national identity that can embrace a more complex perspective on the country’s contemporary history. At present, though, this contentious site has demonstrated the extent to which the legacy of the conservative–progressive divide remains deep. I offer a discursive context that is useful for the study of current debates over heritage sites in South Korea, while the overall analysis illuminates the idea that the “present-centred” management of heritage in national museums can, potentially, play a part in the process of forming more intricate notions of national identity.  相似文献   

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