Poetry as Thought and Action: Mazzini's Reflections on Byron

Summary

This article opens with a brief introduction to Giuseppe Mazzini, with particular reference to his commitment to republicanism, an ideal that would be fulfilled in Italy only after considerable time and with great difficulty. It then focuses on Mazzini's critical reception of Byron. Although Giuseppe Mazzini and Percy Bysshe Shelley would have allowed a more obvious comparison, it was Byron who really attracted Mazzini's attention and criticism. Mazzini uses Byron, on the one hand, as a means to demonstrate that Italians could discuss European poetry without putting at risk their national identity, or, as the classicists maintained, that fragile and fragmented profile of a nation that contemporary Italy offered to the minds and hearts of thousands of young people. On the other hand, however, Mazzini questions Byron's authority by subverting and converting his value, in a very personal way: he gradually substitutes Byron's with a different authority and credits him with new values. Mazzini could not accept Byron as the emblem of elitism and isolation: Byron's solipsism needed to be purified, and his renowned cynical attitude tempered; eventually Byron's myth needed to be connected to the destiny of peoples and nations.     

María Rosa Lida,Borges y una cita inexistente de Lucrecio: filología y auctoritas

In 1952, María Rosa Lida de Malkiel published a work in Sur magazine about the literary sources of Jorge Luis Borges. In the second paragraph of that work she relates a passage from one of the Argentine's stories with a verse from the Aeneid and, later on, two verses of the poem “Las calles” with some others from Lucretius' work De rerum natura. In both cases, she cites the number of the book and verse of the Latin poets. The one referring to Virgil is correct; however, Lucretius' verses are apocryphal. In this work, I analyze the reasons the eminent philologist could have had to carry out tremendous artifice and, at the same time, the objective and personal qualms that, during the revision, produced the auctoritas of her figure.     

Giuseppe Mazzini and the democratic logic of nationalism

ABSTRACT. This article brings the thought of Giuseppe Mazzini back into the field of nationalism studies, from which it has been largely missing for a half century. It suggests the following: that Mazzini is much more modern and secular than he is usually portrayed; and that his commitment to liberal policies while rejecting liberal principles suggests that the distinction between civic and ethnic nationalism has been misconceived. Nationalism, to Mazzini, was not an end in itself but a means to an end – government of, by and for the people. The demand for such a government was manifested in three popular demands in nineteenth‐century Europe: in the West as democracy, in the East as national sovereignty (the precondition for democracy) and in both East and West as social democracy. Thus nationalism may be instrumental rather than an end in itself, and it may be attributable not to ethnic groups' natural striving for autonomy but to the pursuit of democracy.     

Democracy and the rights of women in the thinking of Giuseppe Mazzini

Addressing Italian workers in his Doveri dell’uomo of 1860, Mazzini unequivocally laid out his thoughts on women's rights. The thinker from Genoa, all the more after his encounters with other political philosophers from different national environments such as Britain and France, saw the principle of equality between men and women as fundamental to his project of constructing first the nation, and second a democratic republic. In his ideas regarding emancipation Mazzini, who spent a good 40 years of his life in exile, was one of a small group of European thinkers who in challenging the established customs and prevailing laws not only hoped for the end of women's social and judicial subordination, but also held that changes to the position of women were essential to the realisation of their political projects. Thanks to this respected group of intellectuals, the issue of female emancipation found a place in the nineteenth-century European debate regarding democracy and the formation of national states. The closeness of the positions of these thinkers, and their commitment in practice as well as theory, mean that it can legitimately be argued that in the course of the nineteenth century a current of feminist thinking took shape. This was born of the encounters between and reflections of various intellectuals who met first in France and then in England, and who came to see women's rights not just as a discrete issue for resolution but as fundamental to their projects for the regeneration of nations, or, as in the Italian case, for the construction and rebirth of a nation.     

‘Her Cause Against Herself’: Margaret Fuller,Emersonian Democracy,and the Nineteenth‐Century Public Intellectual

Recent interpretations of Margaret Fuller's ideological significance have embedded her biography in an older understanding of Transcendentalism's history that imagines a post‐Brook Farm cleavage between ‘Emersonian individualists’ and more socially conscious communitarians. In late 1844, Margaret Fuller left New England for employment at Horace Greeley's New‐York Tribune, a moment that a number of biographers and critics have imagined as Fuller's own personal Brook Farm, her resignation from the ‘party of Emerson.’ Recent work in the history of Transcendentalism and romantic liberalism more generally, however, has been more careful about confusing romantic individuality with modern bourgeois individualism. This essay furthers the discussion of Transcendentalist ideology by arguing that Fuller's New York journalism was representative of the broad intellectual unity of the movement's democratic experiments – experiments that experientially, socially, and intellectually aimed to overcome the boundaries between the body and the mind, manual and mental labor, and the manual and mental classes.     

DEBATING TOTALITARIANISM: AN EXCHANGE OF LETTERS BETWEEN HANNAH ARENDT AND ERIC VOEGELIN

In 1952, Waldemar Gurian, founding editor of The Review of Politics, commissioned Eric Voegelin, then a professor of political science at Louisiana State University, to review Hannah Arendt's recently published The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951). She was given the right to reply; Voegelin would furnish a concluding note. Preceding this dialogue, Voegelin wrote a letter to Arendt anticipating aspects of his review; she responded in kind. Arendt's letter to Voegelin on totalitarianism, written in German, has never appeared in print before. She wrote two drafts of it, the first and longest being the more interesting. It contained an early reference to her thinking about the relationship among plurality, politics, and philosophy. It also invoked her notion of the compelling “logic” of totalitarian ideology. But this was not the letter Voegelin received. Because of this, he misunderstood significant parts of her argument. Below, the two versions of Arendt's letter are translated. They are prefaced by a translation of Voegelin's initial message to Arendt. An introduction compares Arendt's letters, offers context, and provides a snapshot of Arendt's and Voegelin's perceptions of each other. Their views of political religion and human nature are also highlighted. Keyed to Arendt and Voegelin's letters are pertinent aspects of the debate in The Review of Politics that followed their epistolary exchange.     

Conspiracy theories in Republican Italy: the Pellegrino Report to the Parliamentary Commission on Terrorism

This article analyses the draft of the final report prepared by Senator Giovanni Pellegrino, who from 1994 to 2001 chaired the ‘Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on terrorism in Italy and on the causes of the failure to identify those responsible for the massacres’. The document was completed in 1995 and attempted a general interpretation of the causes of the political violence that had been a major feature of the history of the Italian Republic up to that point. The report was closely connected with what is often described as the moment of the transition between Italy's ‘first’ and ‘second’ Republic and, in keeping with revisionist theories current at the time, attributed responsibility for misdeeds and occult plots (real or imagined) that occurred in Italy over a period of forty years primarily to ideological division caused by the Cold War. This paper argues that this resulted in a highly distorted narrative of Italian history in which events appear to be determined almost exclusively by external factors to the exclusion of important internal dynamics.     

Author response

In 1783, Louis XVI founded the first public repository of machines in the very premises Vaucanson had set up his workshops the Hôtel de Mortagne. A record, found among the archives of the Conservatoire des arts et métiers, enables us to identify specimens which have been collected up to 1791 by this fairly unknown institution.

While the existence of the public repository, established six months after Vaucanson's death, was attested to through the royal decree of August 2, 1783, the exact list of the machines and tools left by the engineer remained unknown. Furthermore, documents giving information on the activities of this institution, which was to be at the origin of the Conservatoire des arts et métiers, were rare. The inventory of the Hôtel de Mortagne sheds light on these two points. It is the second part of this hitherto unpublished document which appears below, following the summary of the text which preceeded the first part published in the previous issue of this journal.     

A Mazandarani Account of the Babi Incident at Shaikh Tabarsi

This article transcribes and glosses a nineteenth-century Mazandarani document on Babi-state conflict at Shaikh Tabarsi. Collected in 1860 in the town of Barfurush, it was published five years later by Boris Andreevich Dorn in Perso-Arabic characters. The text is the first known prose document based on natural speech in the modern Mazandarani language. The language of the text is fundamentally the same as that spoken today in the Persian province of Mazandaran, located south of the Caspian Sea. As one expects, however, there are certain extinct traits in the text, which could be identified only by comparison with other surviving Mazandarani documents of the same period. The text will contribute to the study of the largely understudied language of Mazandaran, particularly to its development since the composition of the text. It may also serve as a supplementary historical document for the historic incident it narrates.     

The French romantics

Berkeley's Theory of Vision, or Visual Language Showing The Immediate Presence and Providence of A Deity, Vindicated And Explained was published in 1733, occasioned by an anonymous letter of the previous year to the London Daily Post Boy. The letter criticized Berkeley's New Theory of Vision, which had been published in 1709, but which had been appended to Berekely's Alciphron, published in 1732. No one has ever identified the author whose criticisms led Berkeley to his Theory of Vision Vindicated. Circumstantial evidence presented here suggests that the author was Catherine Trotter Cockburn. Part of the evidence is the brilliance of her interpretation of Locke, whose position is defended in the letter against Berkeley.     

Moyes,Menzies, and the Vietnam War: New Insights Into the Public Correspondence Between the Prime Minister and the Bishops

In March 1965 a group of Anglican bishops signed an open letter to the prime minister of Australia, Sir Robert Menzies, expressing its concerns about the rapid deterioration of the situation in Vietnam. The letter had been composed by the retired Bishop of Armidale, John Stoward Moyes. The bishops urged Menzies to use his influence with the United States Government to ensure that the possibility of a negotiated settlement of the conflict could be explored to the full. The letter, and the prime minister's public response, thrust John Moyes and his episcopal co‐signatories into the centre of a national debate on Vietnam. Following Menzies's brusque reply, Moyes composed a second and more critical open letter. The prime minister then issued a more detailed response one week before he committed Australian combat troops to the Vietnam War. The initiative taken by Bishop Moyes constituted the first major instance of public debate in Australia concerning the wisdom and morality of the government's policy on Vietnam.     

The Dragoman and the Scholar: Two Polish Translations of Saʿdi’s Golestān

This article discusses two Polish translations of Sa?di’s Golestān, prepared by Samuel Otwinowski and Wojciech Biberstein-Kazimirski (alias Albert Kazimirski de Biberstein) and published in 1879 and 1876 respectively. Though edited at the end of the nineteenth century, Otwinowski's translation had been originally completed in the first half of the seventeenth century and is assumed to be the first one or one of the very first renderings of Sa?di's work into a European language. The question that remains unresolved is whether or not Otwinowski's translation, despite being unpublished, was known to seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Polish poets. One can find some stories and motifs “picked” from Sa?di’s Golestān in their poetry, but they seem more likely to have been influenced by non-Polish renderings. This article describes the different translation strategies adopted by the two translators, the literarily gifted dragoman Otwinowski and the nineteenth-century philologist Biberstein Kazimirski.     

Mazzini in Italian historical memory

Abstract

The essay examines the reasons for the difficult ‘reception’ of Mazzini's image in Italy. With particular reference to themes dear to Mazzini, like the role of public monuments and publications, the author explains why Mazzini's image has had a precarious hold on the collective memory of the Italian people. He goes on to offer a brief overview of the revival of Mazzinian scholarship in the last 15 years (1993–2008), underscoring how the renewed interest is related to the ongoing European and global debate on the meaning of democracy. The author concludes with a list of titles appearing since 1993 that suggest new approaches to the study of Mazzini, and that will be of use to scholars and students.     

Garibaldi and Mazzini: thought and action

Abstract

The relationship between Mazzini and Garibaldi is described in its ideological roots and in its political developments, in order to show their different attitude towards the Italian unification. Although their first misunderstanding happened during the Roman Republic in 1849, Mazzini's influence is still strong in the organization and in the success of the liberation of Two Sicilies in 1860, particularly through Francesco Crispi. The final personal break was caused by the unlucky experience of the Mentana expedition (1867), when Garibaldi failed to free Rome. Fundamental ideas as democracy, republic, social justice, humanity and universal brotherhood have been however always common to them. The two protagonists of Risorgimento never intended accepting the role to which their fateful encounter prompted them – the one to provide the brawn and the other the brains for Italy's liberation. Just as Mazzini never renounced involving himself in the operational decisions of the movement, Garibaldi never gave up his own way of thinking and looking at things.     

Gustave Dax and his fight for recognition: an overlooked chapter in the early history of cerebral dominance

The year 1865 was revolutionary in neuroscience. In this year, three papers were published on the topic of cerebral dominance for speech. These papers were authored by Paul Broca, Marc Dax, and Gustave Dax, and they contributed to a priority debate that cannot be easily resolved. Gustave Dax claimed that his long dead father had written a memoir and presented it orally in Montpellier in 1836, thus making him the first person to write about cerebral dominance. He also claimed that he was the second person to write on the subject, the first to support his father's claims, and the first to try to localize the center for speech in just one part the left hemisphere, the middle (temporal) lobe. Paul Broca, however, was now getting much of the credit for these discoveries. To set the record straight, Gustave published several letters. This paper presents translations of Gustave's letters of 1866, 1875, and 1877, as well as the historical note written by Raymond Caizergues in 1879, and recreates the events that triggered the younger Dax's anger.     

The Unity of Gen 2,4

ABSTRACT

This article seeks to argue that Gen 2,4 should not be divided into two halfverses as many theologians have asserted. At least four good reasons exist for saying that the verse is best to be understood as one coherent whole. The article basically draws its reasoning from its close exegesis of Gen 2,4. However, the first reason is founded in looking into both the three verses before Gen 2,4 and into other Mesopotamian texts. The second and third argument are built upon an exegesis of Gen 2,4, and the ultimate reason is based upon the Masoretes” work in the Middle Ages, and is therefore an argument resting upon how an earlier traditions looked at the discussed verses.     

Notes on contributors

Abstract

There are at least two options or approaches available to those who seek to evaluate Garibaldi's life in its entirety. The first option envisages Garibaldi as a revolutionary figure firmly devoted to the cause of the people and the advancement of human rights. The second sees him as putting his popularity in the service of a sovereign monarch, but managing nevertheless to salvage something of the ideals of his youth. There are indeed double aspects to Garibaldi, who was both republican and monarchist, simultaneously a rebel and a man of order. As a rebel he fought against kings, popes and emperors; as a man of order he relied on the effectiveness of temporary dictatorship (his own in Rome in 1849 and the king's dictatorship in 1860). He broke with Mazzini when he chose to pursue national unification in collaboration with the monarchy. That choice limited his freedom of action, and he felt betrayed when he became aware of the consequences in the last years of his life. Paradoxically, it is Mazzini's death in 1872 that released Garibaldi from his subjection to King Victor Emmanuel II, and allowed him to live out the last years of his life more or less at peace with himself as a socialist who put the well being of the people ahead of everything else.     

The Merovingian accounting documents of Tours: form and function

A little fewer than thirty Merovingian accounting documents which originated from the Abbey of St Martin of Tours, though fragmentary, provide for the historians of early medieval Europe an unexpected tool with which the latter could cast a new light over actual conditions in tribute collection and the management system for the fiscal administration of the abbey. The present article asks some basic questions about these accounting documents in the hope of casting further light on their form and function: which form did take the documents while they had been used for the collection of dues? At which stage of collecting procedure they served in the abbey as a tool for the keeping of records? When was each document prepared? In which historical context could be placed the birth of fiscal document of the abbey? All of these question are important for an understanding of the history of St Martin's of Tours and of the use of documents in general in the Merovingian era.     

已刊俄藏西夏文献《天盛改旧新定律令》的编号系统

上海古籍出版社出版的《俄藏黑水城文献》(8、9册)所收西夏法典《天盛改旧新定律令》实为百衲本,其所系底本编号并未能真实、准确地在已刊《天盛改旧新定律令》中呈现出来,对照克恰诺夫所整理的俄藏叙录和已刊出的实际情况可以看出,已刊布《天盛改旧新定律令》的各章内容并不是按照文献编号一一拍摄刊布,而是由不同编号拼接而成,编者也没有给出各编号的起止。基于已刊布文献的这些问题,本文将对《俄藏黑水城文献》(8、9册)中已刊布的《天盛改旧新定律令》各编号进行系统地梳理和划分,并对缺页、少页、遗漏编号、页码错乱、编号重复出现等情况进行了订正和说明。     

K. H. RAU AND THE ECONOMIC LAW OF MARKET AREAS*

It is well-known that the economic law of market areas was first discovered by Launhardt (1882, 1885, 1900-1902) in Europe and independently discovered by Fetter (1924) in the United States. This paper shows that the seeds of the law of market areas are contained in a letter of K. H. Rau to M. Quintelet published in 1841, and that Rau's name deserves to be mentioned alongside those of Launhardt, Cheysson, and Fetter, as writers who contributed substantially to the developments of the law of market areas.