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1.
Katherine E. Fleming Edward Berenson David Laven Silvana Patriarca Lucy Riall 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(5):644-658
Based on the Round Table discussion held at the Remarque Institute, New York University, in November 2012, this paper consists of comments on the volume of essays The Risorgimento Revisited. Nationalism and Culture in Nineteenth Century Italy (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), edited by Silvana Patriarca and Lucy Riall, followed by the editors' responses. 相似文献
2.
Ulrich Wyrwa 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(1):16-35
Recent political and historical debates in Italy have led to a re-examination of the Risorgimento. This article asks what this revisionist reconsideration of the national past means for Italian Jews and whether Italian-Jewish history needs to be rewritten. Taking Tuscany as a case study, this article examines Jewish experiences in Florence and Leghorn during the Risorgimento, from the return to power of Grand Duke Leopold II after the revolution of 1848-9 to 1859, when Tuscany joined the new Italian national state. Tuscan Jews participated enthusiastically in the national movement, playing a decisive role in the development of the new political culture and in creating the emotional appeal of the nation. Jews were deeply integrated into the new national state and shared the same values and political attitudes as their Christian counterparts. Any reconsideration of the Risorgimento must take into account that - from a Jewish point of view - this period had remarkable innovative aspects and promising perspectives. 相似文献
3.
John Gatt‐Rutter 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(2):245-272
The arrival of Anglo‐American forces in Naples on 1 October 1943 precipitated the structural crisis which had beset the capital of the south since its integration into the Italian nation‐state in 1860. This crisis had been masked by the reassuringly engaging ethos of napoletanità, encoded in the urban dialect and crystallized in its literary culture from Matilde Serao and Salvatore Di Giacomo onwards. The myth of napoletanità had been frozen under Fascism, but was shattered by the experience of the war years and after, and only factitiously restored under the political hegemony of the monarchist ship owner Achille Lauro during the 1950s. Young literary Americans such as John Home Burns and William Weaver, who found themselves in Naples with the occupying Allied forces, fell under its spell, while the equally young British military intelligence officer Norman Lewis maintained a detached, but sympathetic, objectivity. The older Tuscan writer, Curzio Malaparte, so provocatively transformed the image of Naples as to earn furious rejection by the city's dominant postwar political circles and by Italy's literary circles. Yet, despite brilliant attempts at restoration by the departed Neapolitan, Giuseppe Marotta, and the much‐loved actor‐playwright Eduardo De Filippo, napoletanità was systematically undermined and demolished by younger Neapolitan writers from Domenico Rea and Anna Maria Ortese to Raffaele La Capria as the city's urban fabric was transformed by appallingly irresponsible property speculators. This article focuses on the literary anthropology of Naples in the 1940s. It explores literary texts and contexts, and the way they problematize Naples as a unified subject or object. It addresses the paradoxical issue of the city's need for liberation from itself, and the time scale of a liberation that perhaps has always been and always will be in fieri. 相似文献
4.
Alessandro Capone 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2017,22(4):431-449
This article explores counter-revolutionary brigandage in Southern Italy after 1860 (also known as Great Brigandage). Working from archival sources, the article offers a new interpretation of the interactions between the political, social and criminal aspects of the guerrilla war against the Risorgimento. Notwithstanding the plurality of the individual motives leading single actors to fight, it is argued that brigandage was an essentially political phenomenon and that the alliances between common bandits and loyalist forces were made possible only in the macro-political setting of the collapse of the Neapolitan monarchy, the difficulties facing Italian state-building, and the emergence of popular legitimist sympathies after 1860. 相似文献
5.
Antonio Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(4):491-493
In the last few decades many studies have underlined the role of philhellenism in shaping the Risorgimento as a transnational movement. But philhellenism also had a significant impact in embodying the pre-unification Italian state in a new imaginative framework, marked by the binary oppositions of civilized/barbarian, liberal/despotic and north/south. This article analyses the influence of philhellenism in shaping the imagery of the Kingdom of Sardinia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and the role played by this local imagery in promoting opposing patriotisms within the national political sphere in the years leading up to the unification of Italy. Cavour’s moderate party stressed the positive impact of the Piedmontese domination over the island of Sardinia in order to underline Piedmont's image as a force of modernization of a land strongly marked by feudal despotism and pastoral violence. By contrast, Mazzini and the democrats also deployed a philhellenic narrative scheme to explain the backwardness of Sardinia with reference to the despotic and ‘oriental’ character of the Piedmontese domination in an attempt to encourage opposition to unification under the leadership of the subalpine government. 相似文献
6.
ABSTRACTThe introduction to this special issue rethinks Italy’s liberal tradition and nineteenth-century Italian political thought in transnational perspective, with particular focus on the role of Italian Hegelianism during the emergence of the modern Italian nation state. Starting from an attempt to recast the transnational dimension of the Risorgimento, this co-authored article relates existing studies of Italian Hegelianism to wider trends in intellectual history elsewhere in Europe. Introducing the different contributions to this special issue, our approach challenges notions of centre and periphery in the history of intellectual flows, and helps to free the history of the Risorgimento from self-incurred exceptionalism. 相似文献
7.
Maddalena Carli 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2015,20(2):252-265
The twenty-year political period on which this paper focuses opened and closed with two highly symbolic commemorations. On 25 April 1994, just a few weeks after the electoral victory of the political alliance led by Silvio Berlusiconi (Pole of Liberty), more than 500,000 people took to the streets to commemorate the anti-Fascist foundations of the post-war Italian Republic: this was a timely reaction that ran counter to the climate of disaffection that since the 1980s had marked the annual celebrations of the Liberation. The second commemoration was on the night of 11 March 2011, when thousands of citizens took part in the ‘All Night Tricolor’ parties that marked the start of the celebrations of the 150th anniversary of Italian Unification. The scale of popular participation was in part a response to President Ciampi's commitment to re-launching a sense of ‘civil religion’, to the variety of ways in which the event was turned into a spectacle and the work of the organizing committee. But it also reflected the ways in which the significance of the commemoration of the distant founding of the Kingdom of Italy was considered to be ‘above’ (even ‘anti’) party politics. Both commemorations were rooted deeply in Italian history but took place in very different institutional circumstances: this essays compares the two commemorations and how they illustrate the changing political cultures in the time of the Italian transition. 相似文献
8.
Michele Sarfatti 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(3):318-328
Abstract In the summer of 1943, a few days before the political crisis of 25 July, Italy decided to hand over to Germany German Jews (including those from the former Austria) in the French territory occupied by the Italians. The hand‐over never took place because the crisis of 25 July intervened. But the decision taken by the Italian Minister of the Interior on 15 July is nonetheless a historical fact that provides evidence of the progressive radicalization of Fascist anti‐Semitism before the establishment of the RSI (Salò republic). 相似文献
9.
《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(1):1-19
The Byzantine Empire ruled parts of southern Italy throughout the early Middle Ages, but this region was usually, and inevitably, quite low on the imperial government's scale of priorities. This situation changed during the mid-tenth century, and one factor causing this was the arrival in Italy of the Ottonian rulers of Germany (emperors after 962), who posed both an ideological and a military threat to Byzantine rule. Otto I and his son were far more concerned than is often credited with southern Italy, and both made significant attempts to invade the Byzantine provinces. However, while subsequently Western imperial interest in the region never disappeared, southern Italy became much less important for the German emperors during the eleventh century. Thus Byzantine Italy was if anything more secure on the eve of the Norman arrival in the south than it had been previously. 相似文献
10.
Daniela Luigia Caglioti 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(2):219-236
Abstract This article explores the behaviour of a group of foreign entrepreneurs (mainly Swiss and Germans) who settled in southern Italy during the nineteenth century, establishing cotton manufacturing, creating a religious community, importing technologies, machines and patterns of management. These entrepreneurs shared a high level of training and culture and they all belonged to Protestant denominations. In the context of this foreign entrepreneurial community, the article examines the role played by friendship, kinship, origins, education and religion in shaping the network that linked groups of Protestant businessmen across Europe, emphasizing how these manufacturing firms relied on forms of cooperation, solidarity and physical proximity that were consolidated and perpetuated across more than three generations. 相似文献
11.
Two natural‐gradient tracer experiments were carried out using borehole fluorometers in order to characterize the internal structure of epikarstic horizons and analyze subsurface flow within these high‐conductivity layers. The experiments were carried out in a test site in southern Italy where the epikarst is made up of an upper part with pervasive karstification and a lower part without pervasive karstification. Injection and observation boreholes were 6.9 m apart. An initial experiment demonstrated that wider (conduits) and narrower (fractures and bedding planes) openings coexist in a well‐connected network within the lower epikarst. The adjusted aperture of the opening network (105 μm) suggests that conduits are subordinately developed. The lower epikarstic horizon is hydraulically similar to granular porous media and Darcy’s law can be applied to describe groundwater flow. A small value of longitudinal dispersivity (0.13 m) shows that variations in the velocity field in the direction of flow are less significant than those typical of carbonate systems at the same experiment scale. A second experiment demonstrated that longitudinal dispersivity (2.42 m) in the upper epikarst is in agreement with findings in other carbonates at the same experiment scale. However, despite the higher dispersivity and more pervasive karstification, the mean tracer velocity (3.7 m day?1) in the upper epikarst is slightly lower than the velocity in the lower epikarst (13.6 m day?1). 相似文献
12.
Katia Massara 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2016,21(1):126-145
The fall of Fascism generates contrasting feeling in Italy, now liberated by the Allied troops. In this new scenario, the search for new forms of democratic gathering coexists with its opposite: the aim to recreate an experience now historically ended (the Fascist regime). Indeed, many southern Italians still believe in Fascism and, despite Mussolini's execution in Piazzale Loreto, they kindle the hope of a new Fascist era. Arguably, they see the death of Mussolini as an opportunity to refashion the Fascist ideology, by returning to the myths of its origins. They envision a new form of Fascism, free from political contamination and compromise, and a new regime able to realize the programmes that the old regime has failed to realize. Maria and Valerio Pignatelli represent the dream of a Fascist revival, characterized by innovative and original characters. They find many supporters in the southern regions, especially in Calabria, reversing the stereotype of an ‘apolitical’ and passive south. Therefore, the aim of this article is to reconstruct the Fascist revival in post-war southern Italy through the history of its main exponents. 相似文献
13.
Percy Allum 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(4):500-527
The article examines town planning in the city of Naples since the war and, in particular, the ambiguous relations between politicians and policy. The focus of the analysis highlights the failure to give effect to the various master plans (PRG) discussed and sometimes adopted by the city authorities. This explains to a large extent the widespread building speculation that occurred in these years. 相似文献
14.
魏玛共和国犹太人在政治、文化和宗教生活方式上都表现出高度的德国认同。德国犹太人的这种国家认同既有重要的历史基础,也是现实的需要和客观环境压力的结果。魏玛共和国犹太人的德国认同突出表现在两个方面:一是将犹太教、犹太文化限定于宗教和文化的而非民族的层面,从而减少其与"德国国家认同"的冲突;二是强调犹太人与德国主流民族、语言、文化和历史的紧密关系。犹太人的德国认同对其族群产生了重要影响:犹太族群中发展出了对东方犹太人的歧视;排斥犹太复国主义;低估反犹主义的危害,以致对大规模地迫害、屠杀犹太人缺乏预见性等。 相似文献
15.
Antonio Maria Pusceddu 《对极》2020,52(3):847-866
In this article I examine socio-environmental conflicts through the category of value. Drawing from a single case study, an industrial city in southern Italy, I address the revaluation projects underpinning the conflict around socio-ecological arrangements that are considered unfair, unsustainable and detrimental to life. Focusing on the trajectory of local environmentalism and the specific case of a women group, the article shows how the intensification of the socio-ecological crisis prompted the shift of environmental conflicts from the sphere of production to the broader relations of social reproduction. I propose to analyse this shift through the concept of grassroots ecologies of value, which outlines a framework for thinking about how people deal with the socio-environmental contradictions in which they live, and their struggles for dignity and worth. 相似文献
16.
Ingrid Houssaye Michienzi Emmanuelle Vagnon 《Imago Mundi: The International Journal for the History of Cartography》2019,71(1):22-33
The Datini Archive in Prato, Italy, a remarkable collection of a late fourteenth–early fifteenth century merchant’s business correspondence, includes a number of orders for charts from Majorca, one of the major chart-making centres in the Mediterranean in the Middle Ages. The letters give information on prices, the length of time it took to make a chart, and its destination. The archive also contains unpublished information on how the charts were packed and transported. From these sources we conclude that the charts appear to have served not only to prepare business trips, but also to embody the memory of these trips. 相似文献
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David Abulafia 《Journal of Medieval History》1979,5(2):135-147
It is not surprising to find that the city and rulers of Naples appear in the Decameron, for Boccaccio was trained as a merchant in Naples. Sicily was also visited by Florentine merchants and Boccaccio's tales of Sicilian history range from the near-present back to the reign of the Norman King William II, who died in 1189, a figure already associated with ‘good times’ in Naples and Sicily. In one story Boccaccio describes members of William's family, real and fictitious, and weaves romance around the voyage of an African princess to Granada under this king's guarantee of protection. This tale appears to derive from real events in about 1180, when William assured the safety of the daughter of an Almohad ruler; in token of gratitude, and to gain other concrete advantages, the Almohads at last made peace with the Sicilian king. Popular legends circulating in southern Italy were clearly avialable to Boccaccio, while writers of romance often located fictitious events in Sicily, an exotic part of the Latin world. 相似文献