The Dynamics of the Electoral Geography of the Five Star Movement: The Role of Territorial Area and Municipality Size

ABSTRACT

The aim of the article is to trace the evolution of the Movimento 5 Stelle (Five Star Movement [M.5.S.]) over the last four national elections (the 2013 and 2018 general elections and the 2014 and 2019 European elections). In particular, our goal is to understand how the electoral support for the party changed, in the context of the broad transformations of the Italian electoral geography. In order to accomplish this goal, we investigate the explanatory role of the spatial dimension on electoral support, specifically in terms of geographical zone and municipality size. The M.5.S. is also compared with the two parties that reported the best results in the last European elections: the Lega (League) and the Partito Democratico (Democratic Party [P.D.]). Our results show that the recent European elections do not represent a turning point in the (electoral and geographical) history of the M.5.S.: its territorial rooting in the south of the country and in medium-sized municipalities are present from the 2014 European elections onwards. Interpretations and implications of these findings are discussed in the conclusions.     

The European Union in the media coverage of the 2019 European election campaign in Italy: towards the Europeanization of the Italian public sphere

ABSTRACT

This article investigates the patterns of Europeanization of the Italian public sphere during the 2019 European Elections campaign. Europeanization is meant as a multifaceted process. The visibility and salience of the European Union (E.U.) within the public debate is realized by dynamics involving different actors, in terms of interactions, connections and contaminations between different public spheres. The aim of the article is to clarify whether and to what extent the Italian media covered the E.U. during the European Parliament (E.P.) elections campaign and more precisely to assess through which dynamics of Europeanization the E.U. entered the domestic public debate. We relied on data from a human content analysis carried out on 10 Italian media outlets during the seven weeks before election day. Our findings suggest that, compared to 2014, the visibility of E.U. and E.U. related issues is increasing within Italian media coverage. Italian media still maintain a neutral approach to the issue, resisting to Eurosceptic claims from political parties and public opinion. With regard to the Europeanization, we found that media tend to focus on the vertical dimension especially, providing visibility to domestic actors addressing the E.U. and its political actors. Elements of horizontal Europeanization, instead, are mainly referred to events from other E.U. member states, with few connections among political actors. All in all, our results confirm the idea of a growing centrality of the E.U. within national public debate combined with signals of more structured and substantial Europeanization.     

The crisis of the Italian state: then and now

Abstract

The article argues that Patrick McCarthy's Crisis of the Italian State was a book of great value by an author who was a partisan in the struggle to reform the Italian political system. The book's argument that lasting reform of Italian politics is only possible if middle class Italians begin to act as citizens, rather than as clients who regard the state as a source of potential largesse, has proved to be a far-sighted one, although at the time it seemed simplistic. Many of Italy's current troubles stem from the failure of Italy to go beyond the ‘overworked state’.     

论洋务知识分子的对外贸易思想

洋务知识分子在对外贸易上主张：以中国的优势产品推行出口型贸易战略;发展本国机器工业以实现“进口替代”;组织公司以发挥对外贸易的团队优势;强化政府的宏观管理以改善贸易的内外环境;采取保商政策等。这些主张的提出,适应了时代的发展要求,从而把传统的国内贸易思想和对外无足轻重的贸易意识提高到了立国强国的现代贸易的思想高度。这对当时及此后重商、重工思想的发展以及社会经济的进步都产生了积极影响。     

重构五四记忆:从林纾方面进行探讨

新文化运动被视为中国的文艺复兴,是整个民族精神的重新整理。在这个运动中,即或有不同意见,但在重新振兴民族精神、重建文化体系方面,实际上并没有真正意义上的反对派。换言之,在新文化运动中虽有左中右的区别,但大体上说他们都是新文化运动中一个分子,只是在某些问题上偏于激进或偏于保守,偏于守成或坚守中立。新文化运动中新旧冲突是存在的,但其性质可能并不像过去所估计的那样严重,新旧人物在某些观点上的对立、冲突和交锋,很可能只是朋友间的交锋与交集,其程度也不像后人所感觉所想象的那样严重。他们的交锋与交集,其实就是你中有我,我中有你,新中有旧,旧中有新,没有绝对新,也没有绝对旧。本文重新解读的林纾,就是这样一个人物。传统评价将他推到新文化运动的对立面,显然是一种政治考量,并不是历史本真。真实的林纾,不仅在新文化运动的谱系中占有一席之地,甚或可以说是新文化运动的前驱者之一,他并没有刻意站在新文化的对立面。     

留英学生与五四新文化运动——以《太平洋》杂志为中心

五四时期留英学生的思想活动鲜见论者讨论.本文以留英学生1917年初创刊于上海的<太平洋>杂志为中心,讨论其同人群体及其文化思想和教育主张.作为留英学界的一股知识力量,<太平洋>同人所提供的新思想观念,对于五四新文化运动具有积极推动和引导作用,这与以<新青年>作为运动的指导力量并无二致.但<太平洋>的思想背景有着浓厚的英伦调和主义色彩.     

The power of words: the changing role of the Italian head of state during the Second Republic

Many authors use the metaphor of an accordion to describe the enlargement of the constitutional functions of the Italian head of state: because of the weakness of the political parties the president is able to ‘open and play the accordion’ according to his own interpretation of his institutional powers. While useful, this metaphor does not take into account the structural changes that have occurred over the last 30 years, as well as the informal powers that recent presidents have resorted to, which were the most important factors in the metamorphosis of the presidential figure. Structural changes include the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the First Republic and the mediatisation and personalisation of politics and party structure. Informal powers include those of ‘esternazione’ (a term that roughly means ‘to render public personal statements without previous consultation with the cabinet’) and of moral suasion. By analysing the development of these two powers, this article aims to describe the changing role of the head of state during the Second Republic. It also defines a typology of presidential moral suasion, which is proposed as a useful tool to analyse presidential style and strategy in influencing law-making. The analysis of the innovative use of communicative powers by the last two presidents, Ciampi and Napolitano, shows how the transformation of the Italian presidency can probably be considered permanent.     

The persistence of white ethnicity in New England politics

There was a consensus among earlier students of New England politics that the political influence of European ancestry was fading by the latter half of the 20th century. We examine this proposition in recent times by exploring the role of ethnic ancestry in explaining the political divide in the region's presidential voting in over 1500 New England towns. Contrary to earlier predictions, ethnic origin does retain some explanatory power in models of recent voting behavior, and ethnic cleavages have not been entirely replaced by economic divisions in the electorate. Although the settlement patterns of the more established and numerous nationality groups (i.e. Irish and Italians) are less associated with partisanship than they were 50 years ago, the political salience of white ethnicity persists, suggesting that ethnic groups do not simply dealign or politically “assimilate” over time. Some groups maintain a strong identity in spite of upward mobility because movement from city to suburbs is selected not just on housing, income or school characteristics, as is usually the case, but on ethnicity too. Towns with significant concentrations of specific European ancestry groups lean Republican, even after we have accounted for the presence of other sources of political leaning and past voting tendencies, while Democratic attachments are undeniably strong in towns where the newer immigrant groups have settled. The “new ethnicity” (i.e. racial minorities) and the “old ethnicity” (i.e. white ethnics) clearly carry distinct political implications for this region's presidential politics.     

The neighbor as mirror: Representations of the Korean March First Movement in modern Chinese discourses of nationalism

Abstract

The outbreak of the Korean March First Movement in 1919 was followed by intensive reporting and commentary in Chinese media, presenting striking images of the brutality of the Japanese colonizers, the resolve for independence among the Korean people, and the concept of national self-determination. The March First Movement provided the Chinese people with a vivid example of the transformation of the abstract concept of “universal principles” into the practice of “national self-determination,” and strengthened consciousness of “national independence” among the Chinese people. Over the ensuing two or three decades, the “March First Movement” gradually seeped into the Chinese nationalist movement and discourses on national liberation, playing the role of “the neighbor as mirror,” and continuing to provide both positive inspiration and negative reference points for the Chinese people following the path of national independence. This linkage and interaction between “weak nations” aids in understanding the modern Chinese nationalist movement, as well as the mechanisms for development of the national independence movements among colonized peoples which swept across the globe in the early 20th century.     

非基运动与民国上海大学师生群

民国上海大学对1922—1927年的非基运动具有重大影响。不仅促成运动在1924年8月的"复活",且使其在同年底发生从宣传到行动的重要转折,推动该运动成为一项全国性运动。相当一批非基运动中的活跃分子具有上海大学师生和中共党团员的双重身份。非基运动在一定程度上是中共借助上海大学这一革命平台成功领导的一场社会运动。上海大学的个案集中显示了由师生关系和社团组织两条路径共同形成的革命性、开放性的群体对非基运动乃至整个早期中共学生运动的影响。     

Nationalism and the May Thirtieth Movement: an analysis of the northern intelligentsia

Trilateral interactions existed between nationalism, the May Thirtieth Movement and the northern intelligentsia. Nationalism was an intellectual trend mainly popular among intellectuals, especially the northern intelligentsia. On the one hand, this trend of thought drove the Movement throughout the country; on the other hand, it exacerbated differentiation and stratification among the intelligentsia, which, to some extent, restrained the Movement. Gradually, it had become the spiritual core around which the right‐wing intelligentsia gathered, forming the rudiment of the “Third Force”. At the same time, the May Thirtieth Movement provided ideal conditions for nationalism to reach its climax.     

Power or policy: a comparative study of the cohesion of Italian coalition governments in the First and Second Republics

In the 1990s the Italian political system witnessed momentous changes that have severely impinged upon the country's political parties and party system. What has been the resulting effect on the cohesion of Italian governing coalitions? Has the effect on the nature and workings of governing coalitions been a product of the changing motivations of political parties? This article attempts to tackle the following questions by using the general framework of several formal coalition theories complemented with an analysis of the specific features of the Italian political context.     

The May Fourth Movement as interpreted by the Chinese intelligentsia of the 1930s

Because of its intricate nature, the May Fourth Movement is bound to have been interpreted from a variety of angles with the passage of time. During the 1930s, the circle of Chinese intellectuals developed a diversity of interpretations that viewed the May Fourth Movement as, for example, a movement for personal liberty, an anti-feudal movement, a bourgeois cultural movement, or a movement of a quite complex character. In the meantime there also appeared the analogy of the May Fourth Movement to the Renaissance and Enlightenment. These interpretations – and analogies as well – actually imply the interpreters' own mentality and signify their own thinking. The concept of the May Fourth Movement conceived by one school of interpreters often changed with the actual needs of that school and hence turned out to be inconsistent. Nonetheless, the notions of the May Fourth Movement as fleshed out by different schools might also be seen to have something in common. Interpretations of this nature informed the essence of the May Fourth Movement and, to a further extent, displayed the trajectory and trend of history.     

Expanding the discursive domain of research on the New Culture Movement: An incomplete review of studies on the New Culture Movement

ABSTRACT

The discussions revolving around the common subject of the New Culture Movement have experienced a complex and convoluted history, with a discursive domain ranging from the differentiation of new and old culture, to appeals for a scientific and democratic enlightenment, to the balancing of the cultural relationship between China and the West. The New Culture tends to be regarded as development in the direction of increasing rationality, liberality, and inclusiveness, in which the pursuit of an understanding between the Chinese and Western cultures is the only path by which Chinese civilization may gain future opportunities and development.     

党组织、党员与群众——华北土改期间的整党运动

在土地改革期间,中国共产党针对基层党员干部发动了广泛而深入的整党运动。整党运作的基本特征在于让党外群众介入其间,并对基层党员干部行使审查评议之权,即所谓"开门整党"。整党运动中党组织、党员与群众之间的关系,表征了乡村权力结构和共产党乡村治理模式的深刻变化。借助群众力量进行整党,不仅可以实现对基层政治精英的有效监控,也有助于将乡村民众整合到党和国家的权力体系中来,因而对乡村治理目标的实现具有重要意义。     

中国留美学生保钓统一运动几个问题再探讨

论文针对保钓运动研究中以前没有谈过或者比较模糊的问题,从保钓群体概况、保钓运动的分裂以及统一运动期间保钓左派的努力这三个方面进行了分析探讨,结果显示,参加保钓运动的人士以理工科背景的中国留美青年学生为主体;保钓运动正式分裂的标志是1971年底左派中国统一大会的召开以及右派＂反共爱国联盟＂的成立;保钓左派通过出版保钓刊物、成立读书会、放映祖国优秀电影、创作收集爱国歌曲、服务侨社及发起保卫西沙南沙运动等活动,为中国统一运动作出巨大的努力。     

五四"启蒙运动"说的历史考辨

在各种关于五四新文化运动的定性中,“启蒙运动”说无疑是最为常见的比附之一。事实上,最晚在20世纪20年代末30年代初,这种比附在左翼文化人中就已经较为流行。但是,并不能简单地把“启蒙运动”阐释视为“马克思主义方案”。出于现实革命斗争的需要,共产党人对“启蒙运动”说的认同是有限度的。而且,五四启蒙传统的丰富多元性决定了用“启蒙”来描述五四历史认识主体的复杂性,以及他们所阐释出的“启蒙”内涵的丰富多元性。     

定县实验与农村复兴运动

20世纪二三十年代晏阳初领导的以定县实验为主体的平民教育与乡村建设运动和国民政府倡导的农村复兴运动相结合,使乡村运动走上了“政治与学术合流”的道路,“合流”的结果产生了河北省县政建设研究院。在县政与研究院的双重作用下,平教会的工作得以推进,同时也因此失去了原有的独立地位。但是,无论怎样,这些现象表明当时政府和民间在重构国家权威上的一致性,在自觉地为达到“国家再造”这一目标而进行不懈的努力。     

义和团运动时期慈禧太后心态剖析

戊戌政变后,慈禧心中的“仇洋”情结不断膨胀,终于完全外化为其思想主流,并在一段时间内支配着她的行动。她一手导演的“宣战”闹剧,实质上是“己亥建储”的继续,是她在极度膨胀的权力欲望的驱使下、为实现“废立”而设计的“短、平、快”战术。慈禧于“宣战”五天后表示：由于义和团在京城“蔓延已遍”。“只可因而用之,徐图挽救”,其实清廷利用义和团、对外主战的内外政策并无实质性的改变。北京失陷后、她立即撕下虚伪的面具,把“肇祸”的责任全部推给义和团。同时把“纵容拳匪,启衅友邦”的责任推给了“首祸王大臣”。     

"德先生"和"赛先生"之外的关怀——从"穆姑娘"的提出看新文化运动时期道德革命的走向

Today, Mr. Democracy and Mr. Science are always invoked in the discussion of the May Fourth New Culture Movement. However, Miss Moral, who was also introduced in the later stages of the movement, is much less known. It would clearly be of interest to study the way in which “moral” became a catchword but then faded away and was forgotten. The emphasis on solidarity and patriotism, stimulated by foreign encroachment that had existed since the late Qing Dynasty, began to shift to an ethical revolution centering on individual liberation. However, after the rise of the May Fourth Movement, public attention was attracted by collectivism and nationalism again, while the appeal for individuality and ethical revolution was decayed gradually. The introduction of Miss Moral had a direct relationship with the trend of ethical revolution in the later stages of the New Culture Movement. Translated from Lishi Yanjiu 历史研究 (Historical Research), 2006, (1): 79–95