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1.
During the high and late middle ages, Genoa was a dominant force in Mediterranean commerce. This study examines the relationship between Genoa and the Southern French town of Montpellier in three historical eras: the twelfth century to about 1180; from the 1180s to about 1270; and from 1270 through the mid-fourteenth century. In the first era Genoa, along with Pisa, exercised economic hegemony over the coast of Southern France. In the second period, Montpellier gradually emancipated itself from Genoese commercial control. In the third era interaction between Montpellier and Genoa became increasingly complex because of the growth of French influence in Languedoc. The French monarchy sought to control southern French commerce with a requirement in 1278 that Italian merchants reside in Nimes and trade through Aigues-Mortes, and later in the 1330s with the offer of a transport monopoly over goods from southern France to Genoese admirals Doria and Grimaldi. Montpellier resisted these French efforts, invoking its commercial independence and political allegiance to the Majorcan king. By the mid-fourteenth century Genoese pretensions to commercial dominance over Montpellier were hollow reminders of the past, but the Genoese legacy of business technology remained strong.  相似文献   

2.
《Northern history》2013,50(2):241-260
Abstract

This article examines the later medieval royal entry ceremony in York from the perspective of the social groups that designed and produced the spectacle. Deliberations of York's civic council comprise the main body of evidence for this study. It is argued that a mercantile oligarchy controlled the production of ceremony at every level. York's merchants dominated the design of civic receptions by excluding other secular and ecclesiastical groups native to the city from the decision-making process, and by resisting external interference by groups such as the nobility. The civic council made use of the topography of the city to reinforce the mercantile dimensions of the ceremony and to create a ceremonial space where they could communicate with the royal visitor. The merchant élite also adapted the form and content of the city's nuanced Corpus Christi celebrations to the royal entry. By these means they displayed and consolidated their position at the pinnacle of urban society at a time when their dominance over the city's economic, social and political structures was weakening.  相似文献   

3.
An examination of the earliest notarial documents preserved in the State Archive of Genoa reveals that Genoese women were regular and active participants in their city's commercial operations through the use of the popular commenda partnership contract. In fact, women recorded investments in nearly one-quarter of over 4000 surviving contracts dating from 1155 to 1216. Nearly three-quarters of all women named in commenda contracts were investing their own property within the act and most of the remainder were proctoring investments for someone else. Women's individual investments were, on the average, less than half as large as men's, and women tended to concentrate their commercial involvement into long-distance trade rather than local or regional ventures. Study of family investment patterns reveals two especially important connections involving women. Women married to travelling merchants invested their husbands' property during their spouses' long periods of absence, and widows sought to increase both their own property and the patrimony left to their sons by putting capital from both sources into trading ventures.  相似文献   

4.
An examination of the earliest notarial documents preserved in the State Archive of Genoa reveals that Genoese women were regular and active participants in their city's commercial operations through the use of the popular commenda partnership contract. In fact, women recorded investments in nearly one-quarter of over 4000 surviving contracts dating from 1155 to 1216. Nearly three-quarters of all women named in commenda contracts were investing their own property within the act and most of the remainder were proctoring investments for someone else. Women's individual investments were, on the average, less than half as large as men's, and women tended to concentrate their commercial involvement into long-distance trade rather than local or regional ventures. Study of family investment patterns reveals two especially important connections involving women. Women married to travelling merchants invested their husbands' property during their spouses' long periods of absence, and widows sought to increase both their own property and the patrimony left to their sons by putting capital from both sources into trading ventures.  相似文献   

5.
Wolfgang Mieder 《Folklore》2013,124(1-2):57-69
M.M. Bakhtin's social construction of Renaissance carnivals, and his views on carnival in general, encounter trouble when tested against a presentday enactment, the Cajun country Courir de Mardi Gras, a processional begging ritual celebrated in southern Louisiana. The living festival reveals structures missing from Bakhtin's élite sources and consequently from his writings: structures that articulate the folk community's autonomous values and cooperative survival strategies. As long as literary studies based on Bakhtin find in carnival only that which opposes élite culture, they will fail to recognise the dimensions of community selfcelebration and self-definition essential to many folk festivals.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract

The early nineteenth century textile industry in Manchester is best known for its large steam-powered 'town mills', usually built in closely-packed groups alongside the canals, and for the local dominance of the cotton trade. Havelock Mill illustrates the size and complexity of these buildings but is distinguished because it incorporates the city's last intact silk mill. Documentary research and comparison with silk mills in other areas indicates that this was an exceptionally large example which was at the forefront of developments in the mechanisation of silk manufacturing. A cotton mill was later added to the site. Although parts of the complex were structurally unsound, an unusually high proportion of the original features and fittings survived.  相似文献   

7.
Analysis of thirteenth-century Genoese minute-books frequently offers precise details about Genoese society and the economy of Genoa at that time. By re-grouping the entries relating to a single personage, the judge Guarnerius, one realises that the famous dictum Januensis ergo mercator, “Genoese therefore merchant”, needs reconsideration in the light of the fact that, though all the Genoese were effectively involved in commercial transactions, some were much more engaged than others. Thus Guarnerius, because of the scale of his investments and the role played around him by members of his family or household, appears in the years 1212–1220 as an early example of the Genoese professional merchant. The question arises whether, from the start of the thirteenth century, there was not already at Genoa a group of specialised businessmen from which a truly professional class of merchants was about to evolve. If such a hypothesis is confirmed, some reflections on the origins of Genoese capitalism are called for.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

The dense Genoese commercial networks – which were present in all territories under Spanish rule, fairs, commercial emporia and battlefields – were an essential factor for the survival of the crown. This raises some doubts about the dominating influence posed, according to traditional accounts, by the court in Madrid; the court was, indeed, a point of reference for the Genoese merchant families but by no means the only one. In fact, the Genoese always took care to be present in important harbours and markets, such as Naples, where they often had correspondents to look after the family’s multiple interests.

This article revolves around the crucial role played by Ottavio Serra (1570–1639), son of Giovambattista Serra, ‘signore’ of Carovigno and an active merchant and moneychanger in the viceroyalty of Naples during the first two decades of the seventeeth century. The importance of Ottavio was not limited to his participation in the economic life of Naples. The analysis of Ottavio’s activity as financial agent for his relatives and partners in Madrid, Genoa and Piacenza, among other locations, as well as the examination of his links with a great variety of economic centres in the Mezzogiorno, presents early-modern Naples as a highly ‘internationalised’ centre in the context of the polycentric Hispanic imperial system.  相似文献   

9.
Analysis of thirteenth-century Genoese minute-books frequently offers precise details about Genoese society and the economy of Genoa at that time. By re-grouping the entries relating to a single personage, the judge Guarnerius, one realises that the famous dictum Januensis ergo mercator, “Genoese therefore merchant”, needs reconsideration in the light of the fact that, though all the Genoese were effectively involved in commercial transactions, some were much more engaged than others. Thus Guarnerius, because of the scale of his investments and the role played around him by members of his family or household, appears in the years 1212–1220 as an early example of the Genoese professional merchant. The question arises whether, from the start of the thirteenth century, there was not already at Genoa a group of specialised businessmen from which a truly professional class of merchants was about to evolve. If such a hypothesis is confirmed, some reflections on the origins of Genoese capitalism are called for.  相似文献   

10.
A typology of residence paths to Toronto urban field locations is developed to explore the importance of urban emigrants to the resettlement of the city's countryside and path relationships with local community perceptions. Residence paths are described by childhood and prior community types, current urban field residence location, and length of residence. Paths are dominated by large city residential experiences, but rural residential backgrounds are evident. Community perceptions, emphasizing satisfaction, are positive. Multiple classification analysis, in three model forms, identifies path-based variations in community satisfaction, and the strength of paths as predictors of satisfaction. Interpretations include links to ideas on the urban field advanced by Russwurm. L'auteur essaie de développer une typologie des sentiers de résidence dans le champ urbain de Toronto pour evaluer l'importance des émigrants urbains dans la colonisation de la périphérie rurale des villes. De plus, i l analyse les attitudes de la communauté locale en rapport avec ces sentiers. Ceux-ci sont tracés d'après les souvenirs d'enfance, les indications de cornmunautés antérieures, I'emplacement actuel de residences urbaines et la durke de residence. Les sentiers sont caracterisés par les expériences résidentielles propres à la grande ville mais on dégage également des arrière-fonds résidences rurales. Les attitudes de la communauté, qui révèlent une certaine satisfaction, s'averent positives. Une analyse à classement multiple, sous forme de trois modèles presente les variations de la satisfaction de la communauté fondées sur les sentiers et le poids des sentiers comme prédicteurs de satisfaction éventuelle. Parmi les interprétations, on trouve des liens avec les idées de Russwurm sur les champs urbains.  相似文献   

11.
'Courtyard sites' consist of house grounds which are normally situated around an oval, semicircular or horseshoe-shaped yard. A total of 22 courtyard sites are known in Norway, 11 of which are located in North Norway. Radiocarbon analyses from several of these sites point to the 3rd century as the 'establishment period'. According to the author, the establishment of the sites was related to the emergence of a new social élite based on land ownership, and to the integration of this élite into the Nordic-Germanic world.  相似文献   

12.
This article examines the impact of détente on the Italian political system, linking together internal and international dynamics in both the political and the economic spheres. Relying on various new archival sources, it analyzes the conflicting effects on Italy of both the relaxing of Cold War tension and bipolarism, and the 'bipolar' strategy to reassert US hegemony: the failure of the reformist design of the center?-?left of the 1960s; the 'strategy of attention' in 1969?-?71 and its sudden halt; the building of a 'devaluation model' after the end of Bretton Woods, and the consequent shift from Kissinger's neo-centrism to 'national solidarity'. Détente favoured a crisis of the centrist pattern of Italian politics but at the same time the 'bipolar' features of both the US and the Soviet 'strategies of détente' led to a decline in US hegemony, relaunching the DC's centrality and its ability to manage external constraints. Reaganism was to recast US hegemony on a new basis.  相似文献   

13.
A comparison of testamentary practice in medieval Genoa with that in Douai, France, reveals how differing social orientations resulted in profoundly contrasting social practices. Genoese society was chiefly privately orientated, and patrimony in Genoa was correspondingly transmitted along a vertical dimension. The public nature of the process in Douai, meanwhile, was correlated with a wide distribution of legacies on a horizontal axis. Women in Douai, therefore, enjoyed a scope of action not experienced by their Genoese counterparts. These circumstances, in turn, require a re‐evaluation of the so‐called ‘Frauenfrage‘ — the supposed problem of too many unmarried women.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT. This article critiques the ‘cultural turn’ in Italian Risorgimento historiography by examining Italian Switzerland, and specifically Ticino. This area paradoxically aided and abetted Italian patriots, especially Giuseppe Mazzini, yet rejected becoming part of the Italian national project. This paradox is heightened by the fact that the vast majority of the Italian nationalist literary canon, as identified by Alberto Maria Banti, was republished in Ticino. The paradox is explained in terms of the conflict between long‐standing traditions of local autonomy and the idea of any form of uniform or centralised control, as originally represented by the Cisalpine Republic and then by both versions (Napoleonic and Piedmontese) of the Kingdom of Italy. However, I also use Banti's cultural concepts to demonstrate the creation of a powerful counter‐myth of Italian Swiss nationalism in the character of William Tell.  相似文献   

15.
This article stresses the longue durée features of the Italian political system. It examines the role of two historical factors: (1) the existence of some peculiar (and quite 'sophisticated') state financial institutions; (2) the influence of certain long-enduring social traits (regional differences, family values, the Catholic Church, political religion) on the relationship between state and citizens. It discusses the specificities of the Italian political system (with its historical Fascist heritage and the biggest Communist Party in Europe) and the reaction of the political elite (especially on the left) to international developments in the 1940s and the 1970s, since these years (of the economic 'miracle' and the origins of Italy's political 'landslide') offer the best comparison of Italy with other European countries. These two periods also enable us to examine the Communist Party's (PCI) crucial contribution in the two worst times of national crisis: the post-war years and the years of terrorism. The first part of the article examines the heritage of Fascism and how Italy's new political elite exploited it to strengthen the country's political and economic position after the war. The second explores how behind the Cold War the mass parties helped the country to expand in the international market by controlling social conflict. The third draws some conclusions about the 'success' of the 1940s and the heavy legacies that contemporary Italy has inherited from the 1970s.  相似文献   

16.
This paper brings together two separate rural and small town community research areas. The first involves patterns of migration while the second involves the economic restructuring of work in Canada's single-industry resource-dependent communities. Our expectations regarding household migration in such communities still derive largely from Lucas' model of community development in single-industry towns where significant migration activity declines as the community matures. However, contemporary economic restructuring pressures are upsetting this stability and it is therefore appropriate to re-examine the conceptual model. Household mobility is examined using information for three communities in British Columbia's central interior. The “reasons for moving” which households identify are first examined to delineate a set of migration motivations. This is then extended by looking at the types of communities from which the households have moved. A community typology, based upon population size, frames a discussion which emphasizes previous residential experience with metropolitan and non-metropolitan locations. The findings suggest that most inmigrants come for employment opportunities. The findings also suggest that while urban locations are important contributors of in-migrants, most relocated from other rural and small town communities. The scale of contemporary economic restructuring and the scale of migration as a component of local population change suggest that there are a number of alternate futures for community development beyond the “Maturity” stage Lucas identified. Beyond the detailed results, implications for small resource-dependent communities include that: 1) in-migration for employment is an important community change dynamic, 2) the uncertainty of employment stability due to industry restructuring may be creating a ‘transient‘ cohort of workers, and 3) both of these processes generate important social geography pressures which in turn can affect local community development. L'intérèt de cet article est de réunir deux thèmes de recherches différents sur les communautés rurales et les petites villes. Le premier touche à la répartition de la migration et de la mobilité alors que le second touche à la restructuration économique du travail au Canada dans les communautés monoindustrielles essentiellement dépendantes d'une seule activité. La migration des ménages dans de telles communautés s'explique largement à partir du modèle de développement communautaire des villes mono-industrielles à vocation unique de Lucas, là où l'importance de la migration dæcline en fonction de la maturité de la communauté. Toutefois, les pressions économiques contemporaines de restructuration bouleversent cette stabilité, il est donc nécessaire de réexaminer ce modèle conceptuel. La mobilité des ménages est analysée en utilisant l'information de trois communautés de l'intérieur de la Colombie Britannique. Dans un premier temps, les raisons du déménagement que les ménages identifient sont étudiées pour décrire l'ensemble des motivations de migration. Ensuite, cette analyse des motivations est complexifiée en considérant les types de communautés que les ménages ont quitées. Une typologie des communatués basée sur la taille de la population soulève une discusion qui met l'accent sur l'expérience résidentielle antérieure dans les contextes métropolitains et non-méntropolitains. Les conclusions suggèrent que la plupart des migrants viennent pour les opportunités d'emplois. On observe également que bien qu'un certain nombre d'entre eux soient issue des localités métropolitaines, la plupart se sont relocalisés à partir d'autres communautés rurales ou des petites villes. L‘échelle de la restructuration économique et l’échelle de la migration comme composante du changement de la population locale suggèrent qu'il existe plusieurs possibilités pour le développement de la communauté audelà de la phase de “maturité” telle qu'identifiée par Lucas. Au-delà des résultats détaillés, les implications pour les petites villes mono-industrielles essentiellement dépendenates d'une seule activité incluent: 1) que la migration pour l'emploi est une dynamique importante de changement communautaire, 2) que l'incertitude dans la stabilité, des emplois, causée par la restructuration de l'industrie peut créer une classe de travailleurs de passage et, 3) que ces deux processus influencent la géographie sociale de ces villes mono-industrielles, et parconséquent, les stratégies de développement communautaire.  相似文献   

17.
In Bologna, after Rome the second biggest city of the Papal States, the Teatro Comunale played a major role in the city's cultural self-representation from the eighteenth century. After the Unification of Italy local politicians and the rising middle class used the theatre - together with the famous university, the Liceo musicale and the Pinacoteca - to present Bologna as one of the young nation-state's cultural capitals. A study of Bologna's opera house as a social institution highlights social, cultural and political processes and conflicts which marked the transition from the papal regime to the liberal nation-state. Bologna's nobility, which owned the theatre's prestigious private boxes, opposed the idea of democratically elected politicians and professional experts determining the fate of their theatre, the theatre which for centuries had provided the preferred backdrop for staging their social status.  相似文献   

18.
Addressing Italian workers in his Doveri dell’uomo of 1860, Mazzini unequivocally laid out his thoughts on women's rights. The thinker from Genoa, all the more after his encounters with other political philosophers from different national environments such as Britain and France, saw the principle of equality between men and women as fundamental to his project of constructing first the nation, and second a democratic republic. In his ideas regarding emancipation Mazzini, who spent a good 40 years of his life in exile, was one of a small group of European thinkers who in challenging the established customs and prevailing laws not only hoped for the end of women's social and judicial subordination, but also held that changes to the position of women were essential to the realisation of their political projects. Thanks to this respected group of intellectuals, the issue of female emancipation found a place in the nineteenth-century European debate regarding democracy and the formation of national states. The closeness of the positions of these thinkers, and their commitment in practice as well as theory, mean that it can legitimately be argued that in the course of the nineteenth century a current of feminist thinking took shape. This was born of the encounters between and reflections of various intellectuals who met first in France and then in England, and who came to see women's rights not just as a discrete issue for resolution but as fundamental to their projects for the regeneration of nations, or, as in the Italian case, for the construction and rebirth of a nation.  相似文献   

19.
For Italy, unprecedented mass migration in the late nineteenth century overshadowed the European Scramble for Africa. To secure Italy's place in the new imperial order, Francesco Crispi proposed to harness emigration for colonial expansion, by settling Italy's East African colonies with the surplus Italian population. Defeat at Adwa in 1896 shattered Crispi's project, and turned attention to colonial possibilities elsewhere. Luigi Einaudi and other Liberals trumpeted the value of Italian collectivities or colonie across the Atlantic, where Italy exerted only indirect influence. In theory, these 'spontaneous colonies' would boost the Italian economy at little expense. Italian colonialist societies turned from Africa to the Americas, working to make Italian migration more prestigious, successful and profitable. After 1908, however, Enrico Corradini and the Italian Nationalists mocked these initiatives, and called upon the Italian state to return to traditional imperialism in Africa.  相似文献   

20.
Rural out-migration from southern Manitoba over the period 1971–76 is subjected to a path-analytic model which claims that the exodus is due to unsatisfactory economic and social conditions. In particular, the model is structured so that migration and community satisfaction both depend upon the economic standing of a community. Results indicate that while economic conditions are key factors in rural out-migration, other variables, especially those representative of rural isolation, are also of great importance. These conclusions remain tenable even after allowing for feedback effects from the rural out-migration. L'émigration rural de Manitoba du sud au cours de l'époque 1971–76 est éxposé dans un modèle « path-analytic » qui réclame que cette émigration est attendu que la situation économique et sociale inadéquate. En particular, cette modèle énonce que l'émigration et la satisfaction de la société dépendent sur la condition économique de cette société. Les résultats indiquent qu'autres facteurs, comme l'éloignement rural, sont importants aussi que la situation économique. Ces résultats sont encore vrais quand même les effets de l'émigration rurale sont rendu compte de la région rurale.  相似文献   

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