共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Paul G. Bahn 《Journal of archaeological science》1977,4(3):245-257
It has long been accepted that mobility was a factor in human life in Quaternary SW France, but debate continues as to the purpose, extent, direction, frequency and regularity of the movements. Several different types of evidence are relevant to the problem, and while some scholars have come to rather vague conclusions concerning “occasional forays” or “exchange systems”, others have taken up a firm position after analysis of only one body of data. A reappraisal of all aspects of the problem, in the light of all the evidence available from the region, in fact leads to only one satisfactory hypothesis: that of long-distance seasonal migration by both man and game.Only the reindeer-dominated sites of SW France will be discussed here, as it is from these that the migrations were the most necessary and the most extensive. Movements from other sites, such as those where a horse-dominated economy was practised, would probably have been rather shorter owing to the restricted migration undertaken by the staple resources. 相似文献
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Vlado Vivoda 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2009,63(1):22-40
This paper establishes a novel understanding of the nature and implications of China's rise. By borrowing Robert Gilpin's concept of sub-optimisation, it is argued that China is the most prominent player in a non-Western subgroup's suboptimisation strategy, which undermines the Western-dominated neoliberal capitalist system, or the Washington Consensus, and liberal democratic values, taken as gospel by Western economists, governments and industry for the past 30 years. While China and other non-Western states are a part of this system, a consequence of their actions within the system, and particularly in the international energy markets, is that they are increasing their relative gains at the expense of the larger group. China-led subgroup's suboptimisation strategy may result in direct competition between the predominant neoliberal Western paradigm, which is synonymous with globalisation, and which has entered into a structural crisis, and the emerging non-Western economic and political capitalist model. 相似文献
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Andrea Goldstein 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(2):175-184
Abstract Italy's capitalism has traditionally differed from that of its major trading partners: state‐owned enterprises have played a larger role, securities markets have been relatively less developed, while corporate power in the private sector has been concentrated to an unusual extent in the hands of a few family‐controlled business groups. Since the 1970s, Italian big business has seemed unable to steer a new course in an increasingly global economy. When belatedly and under tight budget constraints Italy finally started privatizations in 1992, many hoped that this would bring about a long‐delayed modernization of financial markets, an increase in competitive market pressues, and some ‘democratization’ of corporate power. This article reviews a book edited by Fabrizio Barca which puts these recent experiences into a much‐needed longer historical perspective, and other books offering non‐scholarly views on the present state of Italian capitalism. Fabrizio Barca (ed.) (1997) Storia del capitalismo italiano (Rome: Donzelli), pp. 1‐634, 60,000 lire, ISBN 88‐7989‐252‐5 hardback. Filippo Cavazzuti (1996) Privatizzazioni, imprenditori e mercati (Bologna: Il Mulino), pp. 1‐83, 10,000 lire, ISBN 88‐15‐05562‐2 paperback. Alfredo Macchiati (1996) Privatizzazioni tra economia e politica (Rome: Donzelli), pp. 1‐160, 18,000 lire, ISBN 88‐7989‐254‐1 paperback. Giuseppe Turani (1996) Isogni del grande nord (Bologna: II Mulino), pp. 1‐138, 15,000 lire, ISBN 88‐15‐05721‐8 paperback. 相似文献
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Christopher Parker 《Political Geography》2009,28(2):110-120
Mainstream accounts of Arab political life highlight endogenous political legacies to explain the persistence of illiberal regime outcomes in the face of global pressures for transition and newness. Meanwhile, the government of people and places across the Middle East and North Africa is being transformed by powerful models of pedagogy and practice derived from the laws of the market. Consider Jordan. The landscape of government is being reconfigured via—inter alia—Special Economic Zones, Poverty Pocket schemes, Development Corridors, community empowerment initiatives, urban regeneration projects, gated communities, planned satellite cities, and new systems of movement and connection. The scope and political significance these arrangements may not be revealed through examination of the institutions and coalitions traditionally associated with Arab regimes. A different picture emerges, however, if one explores this changing landscape of government from the perspective of those governed within it. Focusing on efforts to advance neoliberal modalities of development and government within the Greater Amman Municipality, this paper charts global connections giving rise to powerful agencies that have been elided by regime-centric inquiry, and considers what they imply for currently dominant modalities of thinking about and acting upon Arab political life. Along the way, it also recovers a sense of the subaltern globalism of people and places elided by efforts to extract theory from dominant accounts of contemporary globalization. 相似文献
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Cecilie Baann 《Anthropology today》2022,38(4):7-10
What can an account of manual labour in an increasingly precarious environment tell us about how humans build meaningful lives? Using an ethnographic example from the working relations on a fishing boat based out of the fishing community Tombo in Sierra Leone, I argue that shared bodily work entails possibilities of individual economic gain while simultaneously laying the foundations for solidarity and care. We find a playful competition between working mates at the core of this seeming contradiction. This article explores how people make a living and make a life, not simply despite their continued marginalization in political and economic terms, but through it. In the physically demanding shared labour of hauling a fishing net and learning how to compete for the fish by doing the handfailure, crew members forge relations of care and solidarity that stimulate individual aspirations while asserting the right to life by the sea. 相似文献
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Kate Nicholls 《Australian journal of political science》2018,53(2):160-175
This article situates New Zealand in the Varieties of Capitalism literature and then uses this theoretical framework to provide a critical analysis of the country’s recent economic under-performance. It argues that while New Zealand is rightly assumed to reflect a near pure example of a free-market Liberal Market Economy, its historical trajectory has been rather more mixed. This has led some analysts to assume that a shift from a ‘Coordinated’ to a ‘Liberal’ Market Economy has occurred, yet the state played a much heavier-handed role in creating and overseeing such apparently cooperative mechanisms than is the case in true coordinated market economies. When the state removed such support structures as the results of pro-market reforms in the 1980s and 1990s, there was a lack of ‘coordination’ altogether in the New Zealand political economy. Businesses, either on a collective or an individual basis, did not step in to perform functions previously delivered by the state. This analysis is applied specifically to the fields of skills formation, or vocational education and training, and research and development, as illustrative examples of this broader critical line of argument. 相似文献
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ABSTRACT. This paper analyzes the implications of an exogenous shift in relative prices for an economy that suffers from urban unemployment, as well as uncertainty, in the agricultural sector. Among other things, we show that with agricultural uncertainty, an exogenous shift in relative prices will lower agricultural profit. This result is in sharp contrast with the conventional case of risk-neutrality or certainty where agricultural profit is unaffected by changes in the terms of trade. 相似文献
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When meatpacking plants in the United States lost a third of their undocumented Latinx workers to Federal immigration raids in the late 2000s, the industry began recruiting vulnerable, but “legal,” refugee workers to replace them. In the spring of 2020, as COVID-19 threatened to halt meatpacking, two separate executive orders designated meatpacking production as essential to the United States food system and introduced new restrictions on refugee resettlement in the United States. Bridging Marxian literature on race, labor, and capitalism and critical refugee studies, this paper examines the paradox of refugees’ positioning as both “essential” sources of vulnerable labor and “prohibited” threats to the American nation-state. We argue that the placement of refugees in meatpacking jobs is actually the primitive accumulation of unfree labor. In the case of “essential” meatpacking work in the United States, racial capitalism articulates with conditions of statelessness and unequal citizenship rights to anchor “prohibited” refugees to meatpacking work. 相似文献
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Ranabir Samaddar 《Postcolonial Studies》2015,18(2):208-221
This essay examines the reordering of space under contemporary capitalism, mainly dealing with Asia and posing questions about its significance for Australia. It traces the history of zones and shows how today they are linked via corridors to ensure the circulation of commodities, capital and money. Notwithstanding the exploitation and dispossession involved in the system, it is argued that over time India and Australia will be brought together in a shared postcolonial destiny. 相似文献
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Ryan Burns 《对极》2019,51(4):1101-1122
Digital technologies that allow large numbers of laypeople to contribute to humanitarian action facilitate the deepening adoption and adaptation of private‐sector logics and rationalities in humanitarianism. This is increasingly taking place through philanthro‐capitalism, a process in which philanthropy and humanitarianism are made central to business models. Key to this transformation is the way private businesses find supporting “digital humanitarian” organisations such as Standby Task Force to be amenable to their capital accumulation imperatives. Private‐sector institutions channel feelings of closeness to aid recipients that digital humanitarian technologies enable, in order to legitimise their claims to “help” the recipients. This has ultimately led to humanitarian and state institutions re‐articulating capitalist logics in ways that reflect the new digital humanitarian avenues of entry. In this article, I characterise this process by drawing out three capitalist logics that humanitarian and state institutions re‐articulate in the context of digital humanitarianism, in an emergent form of philanthro‐capitalism. Specifically, I argue that branding, efficiency, and bottom lines take altered forms in this context, in part being de‐politicised as a necessary condition for their adoption. This de‐politicisation involves normalising these logics by framing social and political problems as technical in nature and thus both beyond critique and amenable to digital humanitarian “solutions”. I take this line of argumentation to then re‐politicise each of these logics and the capitalist relations that they entail. 相似文献
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Peter Lockwood 《Anthropology today》2023,39(5):7-10
During Kenya's 2022 presidential race, William Samoei Ruto, the country's ex-Deputy President, successfully leveraged his ‘Hustler Nation’ campaign to clinch victory. This campaign played on the struggles of the informal economy labourers, pledging a ‘hustler’ government dedicated to their cause. However, Ruto's campaign also utilized rhetoric against the deeply rooted ‘dynasties’ of Kenya's patrimonial capitalism, exploiting widespread dissatisfaction with the political and economic dominance of the Kenyatta family, including the incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta. Throughout the campaign, voters debated the acceptable extent of wealth held by the country's affluent families and the potential of such wealth to manipulate democratic politics. This concise article unpacks the moral undertones of Kenyan disillusionment with Kenyatta supremacy, calling for reinvigorated anthropological scrutiny of the confrontations against modern patrimonial capital and the emerging resistances framed in the discourse of economic justice. 相似文献
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This paper reflects on how we can productively theorise the contemporary treatment of property, by a range of different economic agents, as a locus for the attempted creation of economic value. Its argument is that the theorisation offered by David Harvey (1982) in The limits to capital has a continued and arguably even heightened relevance in the present-day context, but that this theorisation can be embellished with insights from the sociology of finance, particularly in regard to the power of representation. This argument is developed with reference to two parallel empirical 'stories' from early twenty-first century capitalism: the economist Hernando de Soto's influential thesis about the 'mystery of capital' and his related policy ideas; and the attempts of western-based financiers to extract profit from companies with significant real estate assets by separating those property assets from the operational side of the businesses in question. 相似文献
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STEPHEN CAMPBELL 《Anthropology today》2019,35(6):7-10
Across major cities throughout the world, inflated real-estate markets continue to exacerbate crises of affordable housing. Amid such conditions, squatting has emerged as a means to claim urban residence while bypassing the rule of property, resulting in densely populated informal settlements stretched along urban peripheries, most notably in the Global South. But in what respect might squatting be said to have anti-capitalist content? But does the challenge squatting poses to private property mean the practice is unambiguously anti-capitalist? The case presented here illustrates how squatting – initially a challenge to the rule of private property – becomes imbricated with wider relations of extraction and rule and with the broader capitalist context more generally. 相似文献
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The Thai-Myanmar border represents one of the most protracted displacement situations in the world, while the Myanmar-Bangladesh border is now home to nearly one million displaced Rohingya, making it the world's most populated refugee camp. During the period of “democratic transition,” pre-emptively terminated by the February 2021 military coup, foreign direct investment continued to flow into Myanmar despite ongoing humanitarian crises. Rather than being presented as exacerbating ethnic tension, economic development was frequently deployed as a panacea for conflict in ways that rendered borderland residents increasingly precarious. In this article, we draw on multi-sited ethnographic research carried out between 2014 and 2020 in Myanmar's borderlands and along the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor to examine how aid donors' support for displaced ethnic minority populations is supplanted by widespread geoeconomic hope for the ameliorating effects of capitalism. We home in on the role of aid flight, special economic zones, and China's Belt and Road Initiative to argue that geoeconomic hope surrounding Myanmar's deepening integration into circuits of global capital obscures processes of surplus precaritization in which populations progressively approach the point at which they become absolutely surplus or beyond reabsorption into labor markets. The article contributes to emerging scholarship on migrant labor exploitation, supply-chain capitalism and the geoeconomics of BRI in Myanmar's borderlands and beyond. 相似文献