关于西汉多黄金原因的研究

本文以西汉国家黄金收入与支出为考察基点,指出在西汉皇室巨大黄金赐予的表面现象之下,其实蕴藏着一个独特的以中央政府为中心的黄金流入、流出(或称回流)的机制。这种黄金周转(回流)机制,一方面表现为国家库藏黄金的大量支出,另一方面又表现为它通过各种制度的渠道保证了黄金的及时回笼,并为下一轮的黄金支出做准备。西汉国家黄金的这种循环、集中、积累的存在状态,直接造成了基于文献记载基础上西汉多黄金的现象。而到东汉时代,由于具有关键性意义的实物经济兴起引发黄金周转机制赖以存在的一系列条件的丧失,又直接导致了黄金在史籍记载上的减少,甚至消失。     

明定陵出土宫廷御用金器（上）

黄金是稀有贵金属,具有亮丽的色彩和光泽,耐腐蚀,延展性好。由于它在自然界中存在较少,开采也比较困难,加工复杂。所以一般人很难大量使用黄金制品,在封建社会只有皇帝的生活用品才大量使用黄金制作。     

古代西南的“黄金之路”

张骞出使西域,在大夏见到蜀布、邛竹杖,始知蜀至身毒早已有道相通。这就是“蜀一身毒道”,它已引起了中外学者注目。然而,还有一条与此道相连,直通荆楚的“黄金之路”,至今无人知晓. 本文从文献和今人著作中找出线索,证之以考古资料,证明了先秦时代楚曾有一条穿越夜郎,巴蜀的“黄金之路”,它与“蜀一身毒道”相连。“黄金之路”对楚国的强盛起过直接推动作用。由于楚国灭亡和各国史书及诸书百家毁于秦火,“黄金之路”遂淹没无闻。恢复“黄金     

中国黄金货币概述

作为贵金属之首的黄金,其光彩夺目,不易磨损,用途广泛,又能随意分割,便于携带和贮藏,是充当一般等价物交易的极好材料之一。一、早期的黄金先秦《战国策》中多处记载了黄金所具有的货币性;而《管子·轻重》中的黄金已是十足的货币。秦始皇统一币制时,以黄金为上币,以“镒”为单位;西汉黄金改以“斤”为单位;王莽的宝货制中也将黄金作为货币之一。史籍对黄金的论述,以记载用途与重量为多,对其形状如何,记载极少,这就需要借助出土的实物资料来辅助说明。黄金有天然的颗粒存在,人们对它的性能很早就有所认识,并掌握了黄金的冶…     

略论清代新疆的黄金生产

一、富饶的黄金资源 新疆,地大物博,幅员辽阔,有得天独厚的自然条件。境内有阿尔泰山、天山和昆仑山三大山脉,它蕴藏着十分丰富的矿产资源,真象一个天然的聚宝盆。以金属之王的黄金而言,据     

试论秦汉的黄金货币

试论秦汉的黄金货币李祖德秦汉时期的黄金货币，大致经历了三个阶段：秦始皇统一六国后将黄金正式宣布为法定货币；西汉时期黄金货币的大量使用；东汉时期黄金货币“突然消失”。一千多年来，人们对秦汉时期的黄金货币议论纷纷。有的人怀疑西汉史籍中的“金”都是铜或至少...     

中国黄金的货币性问题述论

中国以黄金为币的历史源远流长,从春秋战国到新中国建立,长达二千余年的历史长河中,黄金一直在我国货币制度中发挥着非常重要的作用,对我国货币历史的发展产生了重大的影响。长期以来,我国货币史学界、经济史学界以及钱币学界对我国历史上是否以黄金为币,一直存在较大的争论和分歧。当前学术界普遍认同的仍然是彭信威、萧清等前辈货币史学家的学术观点,认为黄金自春秋战国时期进入流通领域,秦汉时期发展到顶峰,东汉以后,黄金的使用“骤然减少,而且它的货币作用也衰退了”。①部分学者因黄金作为货币的使用范围不够广泛,流通性远不及铜钱,故…     

直贡噶举派金刚之舞

拉萨东北大约一百公里处,有一条非常有名的直贡峡谷。它在西藏地方政治史和宗教史上曾经具有非常辉煌的地位,它是沟通藏北草原与拉萨平原的黄金古道,它是藏传佛教直贡噶举派的根据地。     

明代金锭试考

明代朝廷黄金收入项目,史述不详。由于明代黄金不是正式货币,无以黄金为法货列作财政收支正项的记录。对此存有可靠史录,并有可与史录相印证的出土或传世实证,以供查考明代朝廷黄金收入专项内容的,似仅限于以下几个方面。     

直贡嘎举派金刚之舞

拉萨东北大约一百公里处,有一条在西藏和整个藏区非常有名的直贡峡谷。它在西藏政治史和宗教史上曾经具有非常辉煌的地位,它是沟通藏北草原与拉萨平野的黄金古道,它是藏传佛教直贡噶举派的根据地。     

也谈建国初期私营传媒消亡的原因

从1949年到1952年底,我国新闻业初步完成了转型,形成了集中统一的宏观体系格局,为社会主义建设的全面展开做好了准备。在这一新体系建立的同时,私营传媒迅速消亡,但经营不善并不是私营传媒消亡的主要原因,私营传媒的消亡是由其所有制性质、活动特征以及意识形态属性决定的,是上层建筑适应经济基础的表现。此外,党和国家集中统一的新闻业体系的迅速建立也使私营传媒失去了存在的价值和空间。     

Naval Heritage and Postcolonial Geography: Why It Should Matter to Australia

Naval heritage is of global significance, enhanced by its association with waterfront revitalisation, its established literary/institutional framework and its postcolonial connotations. This paper reviews its background and its significance for the worldwide chain of (ex‐)naval bases which formerly bound the British Empire, with particular reference to its use for heritage tourism in Bermuda, Malta and Gibraltar and possible wider potential for this. Australian naval heritage is considered in this context and in its subsequent postcolonial evolution; Australian geographers are prompted to give their more informed consideration to its significance, not least for national identity.     

China's strategic partnership with Latin America: a fulcrum in China's rise

China has over the last two decades been committed to creating a strategic partnership with Latin American states by persistently extending its economic and political involvement in the continent. China's efforts in this regard reflect not only its desire to intensify its economic cooperation and political relations with nations in Latin America, but also its strategic goals of creating its own sphere of influence in the region and enhancing its ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power in order to elevate China's status at the systemic level. With access to Latin American markets, resources and investment destinations, China may sustain its economic and social progress that bases its long cherished dream of restoring its past glory of fuqiang (wealth and power) and rise as a global power capable of reshaping the current world system. The enormous economic benefits deriving from their economic cooperation and trade may persuade Latin American nations to accept the basic premise of China's economic strategy: that China's rise is not a threat, but an opportunity to gain wealth and prosperity. This will help China gain more ‘soft’ power in and leverage over its economic partners in Latin America, and thereby help it to rise in the global power hierarchy.     

Democratizing the Commonwealth

Despite having been regarded by many as increasingly anachronistic, the Commonwealth continues to be seen as valuable both by its existing members and by those who wish to join it. Given the historical circumstances of its beginning and the informal nature of its operations, it is both necessary and difficult to establish criteria for admitting new members. This article examines how the Commonwealth can manage its enduring appeal, and the prospects for fulfilment of its declared support for the protection of fundamental political values in the face of its commitment to state sovereignty.     

海湾战争与土耳其中东外交政策评析

20世纪40年代以来土耳其奉行亲西方,尤其是亲美的一边倒外交政策,土耳其中东外交服务于其西方战略,长期以中立和不介入为主要特征。20世纪90年代世界政治格局的变化使得土耳其必须重新调整其中东外交政策,海湾战争为土耳其重新实践其外交政策提供了机遇,土耳其在中东开始采取积极、主动的新型外交政策。海湾战争成为土耳其中东外交的分水岭。海湾战争中,土耳其积极介入中东事务的政策与土耳其亲西方的外交政策恰好吻合;伊拉克战争则表明土耳其中东外交与其亲西方外交之间的不协调性。     

Italy and Australia: a relationship made and unmade by immigration

Australia's new-found post-colonial ‘independence’ in 1901 initially required it to continue to hold on to the apron strings of its colonial master. After World War II, these needs changed, as did the geopolitical power of the leading nations. For Australia, there would be the need to secure its borders, build its labour power, find security arrangements, and adhere to a cold war framework in its geographical region. The USA and the Asian region fell into Australia's sphere of interest. Italy, on the other hand, was a nation of contrasting interests and perspectives. Besides being located in Europe, the post-war period defined Italy by its participation in the concept of a European community and an entirely different set of allies, concerns and trajectories, which made it position itself in a different orbit than that of Australia. Australia's changing economic and social needs required a new and vast migration program in 1947, which would change the dynamics of its relationships. Enter Italy. The two countries now had common destinies in relation to migration—Australia needed people to help build its country, whilst Italy encouraged its impoverished rural population to emigrate to this distant and foreign land. A relationship was born.     

A Response to Clayton Crockett and Jeffrey Robbins,Religion, Politics and the Earth: The New Materialism1

Crockett's and Robbins' significant and groundbreaking book falls short of a genuinely liberating future, one that can put in place alternative social and institutional forms to sustain a comprehensive freedom from structural domination. This major claim is sustained by tracing four deficiencies in the book: (a) its sanguine trust to a developmentalist sensibility that underestimates political antagonism; (b) another neglect of political antagonism in its trust to transformative powers of a “multitude” and its cooperative activity, (c) its failure to build social and political formation into its theory of emergent complexity, and (4) its failure in reflexivity, to interrogate the “we” discourse that proliferates in authors' senses of crisis and calls for transformation.     

China's energy security

As the Chinese energy deficit increases at rates equal to or exceeding its economic growth, energy security raises an alarm among its policy-makers and the international community. This article asks whether China faces any threat to its energy security; and whether China's worldwide quest for energy is a threat to the regional and international stability. The main argument is that while China faces serious challenges in meeting its rising energy demand, its efforts to do so have been primarily domestically focused. In its foreign energy policy, China has behaved like a normal player in the international energy market, buying as much oil as it can and investing in as many places as it can afford. It is unlikely that the country is willing to seek overseas energy supplies at the expense of a peaceful regional and international environment which is a necessary condition for its continuing economic development.     

China's regional policies: how much hegemony?1

China is commonly assumed to be seeking hegemony in its region. Yet China's region involves it in relationships with major states with their own hegemonic or leadership interests—the US, Russia, Japan and India. This article examines each of China's regional relationships in terms of the prime interests of China's foreign policy framework. It concludes that it is important to distinguish between hegemonic capabilities and intentions: that while China will want to extend its influence as a regional power, its capability to do that will continue to grow in each of its subregions, its ability to exercise that power and influence will be limited. In the past its efforts have been largely to seek secure borders and economic opportunities and that for some years those objectives, together with energy security, are likely to remain the priority.     

Iran's global reach: The Islamic Republic of Iran's policy,involvement, and activity in Africa

The aim of this study is to analyze the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)'s policy toward and involvement in the African continent as a case study of the IRI's global policy and reach. The aspiration of the IRI's leadership for international standing and support coupled with a desire to export its revolutionary model and extend its influence beyond its borders have shaped its activity on many continents, including Africa. Africa's strategic location, past colonial experience, political position, rich resources, large Muslim population, and economic attractiveness have all contributed to shaping the IRI's activity within it. This study analyzes IRI's foreign policy in general and its implementation in Africa in particular, identifying the different historical phases of its activity in Africa, distinguishing between the various African regions, the main Iranian organizations involved therein, the means of and channels for Iranian involvement in Africa, and the reasons for IRI's gains and losses on that continent. The study shows how the Islamic regime has managed, during its 40 years of rule, through pragmatism and resilience, to gain influence and support, has endeavored to balance its losses, and has adapted to new circumstances in the African continent.