Preserving the Neapolitan state: Antonio Genovesi and Ferdinando Galiani on commercial society and planning economic growth

Both Antonio Genovesi and Ferdinando Galiani devised strategies for Neapolitan economic development, which they realised was essential for preserving its recently acquired independent statehood. In order to avoid any socially disruptive effects they considered how economic processes changed the human mind. Both thinkers grounded their political visions on foreign trade on highly sophisticated ideas of the nature of self-interest. In spite of the similar characters of their projects, the political thought of Genovesi and Galiani has never been subject to serious comparison. Instead the two thinkers have tended to be portrayed as opposite characters with highly divergent political leanings. It is argued here that this view is historically questionable and itself a product of a distorting canonisation process that was set in motion in the second half of the eighteenth century. Ironically, comparing the moral philosophies and economic ideas of Genovesi and Galiani, a picture emerges that inverts the myth that started at the end of the eighteenth century and that until this day has determined accounts of the early Neapolitan Enlightenment.     

和谐社会视域下的生态问题探微

加强生态建设,保护自然资源和生态系统,维护生态安全,促进经济社会的可持续发展,是人类社会发展的客观要求,也是构建和谐社会的前提与基础。     

Fichte and the German Idiom: the Metaphysics of the Addresses to the German Nation

This article argues against the dominant Anglophone and Francophone interpretation of Fichte, which reads him as advancing either a form of ethnic or cultural nationalism. It claims that what is missing from the current reception of Fichte is the essentially philosophical and cosmopolitan character of his nationalism – the fact that the Addresses to the German Nation uses non‐empirical and cosmopolitical concepts to develop and articulate its nationalistic viewpoint. It therefore claims that the notion of a national philosophical idiom that the Addresses present, far from being a screen for its nationalism, is its driving engine. It does this by considering the problems of translating the German locution ist unsers Geschlechts. Consequently, it is claimed that the cosmo‐nationalism of Fichte is not reducible to a set of claims regarding ethnicity or even the empirical world, even if a discourse on the organismic, on what counts as life, irreducibly haunts the Addresses.     

提高构建社会主义和谐社会的能力加强党的执政能力建设

《中共中央关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》第一次把提高构建社会主义和谐社会的能力提升到党的执政能力建设的高度,这是对党的执政能力认识的新飞跃.本文从党的执政能力建设的视角,阐述了提高构建社会主义和谐社会能力的必要性及其着眼点.     

构建和谐社会视野下的新农村建设

构建农村和谐社会是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要组成部分,构建社会主义和谐社会的重点、难点在农村。要按照“生产发展、生活宽裕、乡风文明、村容整洁、管理民主”的要求建设社会主义新农村,这是构建农村和谐社会的有效载体。     

关于中国传统社会土地权属的再思考——以土地交易过程中的“乡规”、“乡例”为中心

本文从中国传统社会土地交易过程中存在的"乡规"、"乡例",探讨了中国传统社会的土地权属,揭示了中国传统社会土地所有权属的多重性,以及反映中国社会历史实情的土地所有权属的认证与土地所有权属转移的确定.     

晚清汉学家与近代社会变迁

晚清汉学在地域上的扩充,使汉学家成为影响近代社会变迁不可忽视的力量。尤其是其中的重要学者,他们或任职朝廷,或为大吏幕宾,或掌教各地书院,无论在朝在野都具有很强的号召力,对近代社会风气的转移、新事物的传衍起到程度不同的作用。实际上,汉学家在近代各个领域都有出色表现,不仅没有固执华夷之辨,且领时代潮流之先风,在历次大的社会变革中均有涉足。详究其中原因,首先,这与汉学的治学内容及其治学精神和西学有相通之处不无关系;其次,晚清汉学家重新标举顾炎武的明道救世,提倡经世致用,有利于其投身于社会变迁实践。     

敦煌社邑文书词语补释

敦煌社邑文书以记载晚唐五代至宋初民间社邑组织的各种社事活动为主,其中分布着大量社会生活方面的词汇。不少词语颇具时代性和地域性,一定程度上反映出当时西北汉语的面貌。本文从中选取二十例略作训释,以扩大相关的研究成果。     

Geographies of state failure and sophistication in maritime piracy hijackings

Many analysts are concerned about territories subject to state failure becoming safe havens for terrorists. In this article, I apply this logic to maritime piracy syndicates and their ship hijacking operations, and argue that a focus on the geographies of state failure can help us explain why pirates' behavior varies between failed and weak states. Analysis of a dataset of hijacking incidents suggests that state failure is associated with less sophisticated attacks, while state weakness encourages more sophisticated attacks. Through case studies of the process by which pirates carry out their attacks in East Africa and Southeast Asia, I argue that it is the differences in political and economic landscapes that influence how pirates embed their operations across territory, and thus how they carry out their operations. Notably, because they do not have to worry about enforcement, pirates in failed states can engage in time-intensive kidnappings for ransom, while only weak states provide the markets and transportation infrastructure necessary for operations where ships and cargo are seized and sold for profit. These findings suggest that weak states might actually be more problematic for international security in some respects than failed states.     

和谐社会视野中的青海民族宗教问题

青海是多民族多宗教的地区,大多数少数民族群众信仰宗教,民族问题和宗教问题相互交织、相互影响,民族宗教工作在全省工作大局中有着十分重要的地位。只有坚持从青海实际出发,认真贯彻落实党的民族与宗教政策,不断加强对宗教事务的依法管理,积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应,巩固和发展党的爱国统一战线,坚决抵制敌对势力的分裂渗透活动,不断加强民族团结,才能切实做好青海的民族宗教工作。     

试析当代中国社会人文精神的缺失与重建

当代中国社会人文精神的缺失,并不是改革开放和市场化的结果,而是由建国后几次大的政治运动中积淀下来的蔑视人的价值与尊严的力量所致。我们必须以当前中国特色社会主义事业的全面推进和社会主义核心价值体系的构建为立足点,全面总结并分析目前我国社会人文素养不高、人文精神缺失的历史与现实根源,正视人文教育及科学发展所面临的突出问题,从而在全社会营造良好的人文氛围,使人文精神的重建真正在全社乃至全民族达成共识。     

试论和谐文化建设在构建和谐社会中的地位和作用

和谐是一个富于文化内涵的载体。和谐文化是和谐经济和和谐政治的文化审美和文化再造。认识和谐文化在构建和谐社会中的地位和作用,可以使我们更加自觉地树立科学发展观、正确政绩观和科学人才观,推动经济社会全面、协调、可持续发展和促进人的全面发展;可以使我们在提倡“效率优先”的同时,更加关注“社会公平”,努力营造各尽所能、各得其所而又相互帮助的和谐人文环境;可以使我们更加重视建设社会主义先进文化,为构建和谐社会奠定坚实的思想文化基础。     

构建和谐社会与中国社会学的历史使命

对于中国的社会学来说,和谐社会并不是一个陌生的概念,而是他们一直持续追求的目标和现实理想,研究和谐社会形成的条件和机制是贯穿中国社会学始终的学术主题。今天,党和政府明确提出了构建和谐社会的历史任务．为和谐社会的建设提供理论支持,既是社会学的优势所在,也是历史赋予中国社会学的重大任务。社会学应该为此贡献自己的力量,同时抓住这个难得的机遇,提高自身的学术水平。     

统筹配置财政资源促进青海经济社会又好又快发展

本文从青海实际出发,阐述了如何统筹配置财政资源,发挥财政职能作用,促进经济社会又好又快发展的具体政策和措施。     

和谐社会构建中利益表达问题的分析与对策

本文从构建和谐社会的基本点——利益协调问题入手,阐述了利益诉求表达渠道对于建立利益协调机制的基础作用,分析了畅通利益诉求表达渠道在构建社会主义和谐社会全局中的重要意义。在总体上将社会利益诉求表达渠道划分为"官方渠道"和"民间渠道"两大类的基础上,分析了各条具体渠道应承担的职责、所存在的问题和应完善的方向。     

构建社会主义和谐社会中的民族团结进步问题

民族团结进步是多民族国家社会政治问题的焦点、热点和敏感点。构建社会主义和谐社会,必然要研究和关注我国各民族的团结进步问题,特别是要研究和关注那些社会经济、文化教育发展还相对滞后的民族的发展进步问题。这既是构建和谐社会的客观要求,也是构建和谐社会的重要保障。     

川黔彝族社会形态比较研究简

本文从人类学、历史学的研究角度,就汉族封建社会中的少数民族社会形态进行论述。主要通过对四川凉山和贵州毕节两个彝族聚居区的历史社会形态进行比较,进一步论述我国历史发展具有不平衡性的特点。而这一特点又是由于多民族国家、多层次的生态环境、“土流并治”的政治实践所造成的。它贯穿中国社会形态始终,对中国政治、经济、文化的形成起到了重要作用。     

Civil society,radicalism and the rediscovery of mythic nationalism

The article argues that contrary to the widely held view that traces the recent rise of illiberalism in Hungary and Eastern Europe to a weak civil society, the past decade has witnessed a surge of civil society activism. But rather than working exclusively towards strengthening and complementing liberal political institutions, civil society has also provided fertile soil to the spread of right‐wing populism, radicalism and xenophobia. The analysis suggests that civil society organisations have in fact played an important role in the right‐wing radicalisation of contemporary Hungarian politics. Conservative civic groups have been instrumental in reinvigorating the symbolic vocabulary of a mythic nationalism that was widespread at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century as well as in the 1930s. The resurrection of nationalist, irredentist and anti‐Semitic symbols and paraphernalia (e.g. greater Hungary car stickers) has been a major vehicle for increasing the public visibility and political impact of these groups. The article shows through case studies of specific organisations how this seemingly anachronistic symbolic repertoire has found new resonance in contemporary Hungarian public life.