胡适和科学玄学之争

五四时期,随着西方各种思潮的输入,尤其是社会主义思潮的迅速传播,使新文化运动染上了明显的政治色彩。五四运动把胡适所希望的一个单纯的文化运动转变成一场政治运动,扰乱了他那为中国建立非政治的文化基础的梦想。但胡适并未放弃他的“思想革新”事业。1923年,在胡适主办的《努力周报》第48期上发表了丁文江的《玄学与科学》一文,从而在中国思想界展开了一场新科学与玄学的论战,参加这场论战的人分成科、玄两派,站在科学派一边有丁文江、胡适、吴稚晖、唐钺等,玄学派以张君劢为     

丁文江的苏联之行

丁文江以地质学家的身份而热衷于政治,1904年,17岁的丁文江就远渡英伦三岛,7年后获得格拉斯哥大学动物学博士学位,回国后被胡适等英美派引为同调,傅斯年甚至推崇他为“欧化中国过程中产生的最高的菁华”。因此,在一般人的眼里,丁文江是英美派的中坚,必然敌视苏联。但是,当我们看到他连载于《独立评论》之上,记述他的1933年苏联之行的《苏俄旅行记》后,我们发现,事情并非如此。     

一代学人丁文江

丁文江在20世纪20年代和30年代是很有些名气的。他不但被誉为“中国地质学的开山大师”,和翁文灏、李四光等共同开拓了中国现代地矿事业,而且广泛涉猎人文学科领域,对中国现代的政治、文化、经济、社会等诸多问题,进行过积极探索,发表过大量论文,并因此成为颇有影响的自由主义知识分子代表人物之一。只是在解放后,他才被人们所淡忘,乃至完全被遗忘。     

共治视域下托勒密埃及王后参政的嬗变

王后参政频现是托勒密埃及政治的重要特征。这一现象的出现尽管与法老时期王后参政的传统密切相关,但王位继承制度由父子共治向国王、王后共治的转变是促使其不断发展的根本动因。托勒密埃及的国王、王后共治大致经历了“名义共治”“平等共治”及王后对国王权威的“超越”三个阶段,他们在共治中多表现为夫妻共治,但也存在母子共治和特殊背景下的三人共治。王后获得王位继承权后,其权威虽不断提高,但并非直线上升,这多取决于她们自身的年龄、政治经验等因素。即使王后凌驾于国王之上或暂时独掌政权,但臣民依然坚守的是国王、王后共治,并不认同其长期的单一统治。从文明交往的角度而言,一向反对女性参政的王国统治者希腊—马其顿人对这一统治模式的接受与认同,间接反映了他们自身的埃及化。     

张东荪几次原汁原味的演讲

张东荪（1886─1973年）,浙江杭县（今杭州市）人,原名万田,字东荪,晚年自号“独宜老人”。早年留学日本,入东京帝国大学哲学系。1912年曾参加南京临时政府,随后在《庸言》、《正谊》、《中华杂志》等刊物上发表大量文章评议民初政治,成为民初著名的政治家。五四时期致力于文化运动,主编《时事新报》,创办《学灯》副刊和《解放与改造》。此后,主要从事西方哲学的介绍和研究工作,先后任中国公学、国立政治大学、光华大学和燕京大学教授。1927年8月,他与瞿菊农等创办了中国第一个哲学研究专刊《哲学评论》,并相继撰著了《哲学论…     

驳“饿死三千万是谣言”——再答孙经先对《墓碑》的指责

孙经先先生在《马克思主义研究》2011年第6期上发表了《关于我国20世纪60年代人口变动问题的研究》的长文,又发表了《人口统计学中的虚拟人口理论及其应用》,声称“用科学分析”和“严密的数学方法”。论证出“饿死三千万是谣言”。我于2012年写了《脱离实际必然走向谬误——就大饥荒年代的人口问题与孙经先商榷》,也采用他那种“严密的数学方法”,按他所设定的条件,否定了他的结论。最近,他又在《中国社会科学报》上连续发表文章,不仅说“三年困难时期饿死三千万人”是重大谣言,还说“《墓碑》大量使用了伪造的、被篡改的和极为荒谬的数据”。本着对历史真相负责的态度,我再次回应。     

公民参政思想变化新论——文艺复兴时期人文主义者参政思想浅析

本文旨在探讨文艺复兴时期意大利人文主义者政治思想的变化,折射出不同时期公民参政的目标和要求。通过对但丁、彼特拉克、布鲁尼、马基雅维里政治思想的解读,本文揭示了文艺复兴时期公民参政的目标是建立自由的、充分反映民意的公民国家,对近代政治学的诞生具有重要影响。公民参政要求建立新型的政府,既能为社会提供良好的秩序、又能为民众提供良好的生活。这表明:文艺复兴时期的公民参政已经突破了古代希腊、罗马的模式和中世纪公民参政的传统,发展成为以建立近代政府为目标的、人民的政治运动。     

20世纪中美两国"专家政治"的缘起与演变--科学介入政治的一个历史比较

20世纪30年代专家政治的浪潮在美国达到一个峰巅。技术统治论的思潮与运动以物理学原理深刻反思资本主义制度，罗斯福新政时期也大量吸收专家参与政权。在此前后。《东方杂志》、《国闻周报》等将技术统治论作为新的思潮与运动加以介绍，一些参政知识分子则更多地从美国政府的政策调整中吸取经验。南京政府一定程度地吸收专家参政，在行政技术化、立法科学化等方面有一定改进，但未改变蒋介石专制政权的性质。美国的技术统治论经历复杂的转变，其中一部分为主流社会所吸收，一部分则趋向偏激，进一步产生对美国社会的深刻怀疑，成为当今美国社会的另类选择。美中两国历史发展说明，科学进入政治领域，有利于技术层面的科学化；科学主宰政治。却是技术乌托邦之梦。     

汉唐时期的以史解《易》

汉唐时期,易学的发展进入了一个新的阶段,取得了重要成就。在汉唐易学发展的不同阶段,易学家以史解《易》征引的史实蕴涵了历史兴衰教训和历史变革思想,在一定程度上与《周易》义理相互通约。汉唐时期以史解《易》的运用,丰富了治《易》的方法,深化了《易》之微言大义,拓展了史学自身的历史观念,促进了易学与史学的双向互动,为后世"参政史事"易学的勃兴奠定了坚实的基础。     

迷津唤不醒,请作布雷鸣——陈布雷早期政治思想初探

陈布雷是民国史上著名的新闻工作者、政论家、政治家。在辛亥革命、五卅运动、北伐战争时期,他在《天铎报》、《商报》主持论坛,发表了大量宣传、支持革命的评论,旗帜鲜明地鼓吹革命共和、反对帝制,反对帝国主义干涉中国内政,反对封建军阀。他的进步思想以及犀利的文笔,曾获得广大读者的欢迎。对其早期进步的政治思想应该予以历史的、实事求是的肯定,不应因其后来追随蒋介石反共而加以全盘否定。     

Conditionnement economique et conditionnement mental dans le monde du travail parisien a la fin de l'ancien regime: Le privilege corporatif

This essay contests the notion that there was a necessary and fundamental opposition between republicanism and liberalism during the post-Revolutionary period in France. Constant's writings of the Restoration years show his abiding interest in both the construction of viable political institutions and the promotion of a vibrant political life. Worried about what he saw as growing authoritarian trends within the liberal camp, Constant wrote about the need to keep political liberty alive in commercial republics. His refutations of Auguste Comte and the Saint-Simonians, and his writings on religion, should be seen as offering pointed lessons to fellow liberals about the crucial importance of both politics and the moral values promoted by religious freedom.     

试论章太炎先生与《庄子》研究

章太炎是我国近代史上名的民主革命家、思想家,又是一位享有盛誉的国学大师。他和《庄子》一书早有接触,并在二十余岁时“育其辞,理其训沾,求其义旨”。在流亡日本期间,除了忙于政事之外,他还致力于研究并为留日青年学生讲授《庄子》先后撰成了《庄子解帮》和《齐物论释》等论。特别是在《齐物论释》中,他纳入了西方哲学和佛教思想解释《庄子》,力图以此表述自己的哲学观点。由于时代的局限和章太炎自身存在的问题,无疑他建立起来的哲学体系在理论上存在着严重的缺陷。不过,他研究《庄子》的活动富于新意,给人予启迪。从批判和继承的观点来看,似应给予积极的、实事求是的评价。     

Halford Mackinder's “new” political geography and the geographical tradition

This article re-examines Halford Mackinder's conception of geography in general and his practise as a political geographer in particular by placing his work in the context of the history of geography. The nature and politicisation of early modern (c.1600–1850) geography are depicted, and used as a contextual standard against which to assess Mackinder's claims to have propounded a “new” geography and a “new” form of political geography. Mackinder's conception of geography is found to have been a substantial departure from the early modern one, in terms of its definition of geography, its textual format and its placing of geography in a broader educative structure. By contrast, Mackinder's political geography is shown to effect a far less radical break, for whilst Mackinder's rhetoric suggests that geography will drive his political analysis, it is in fact his pre-existent politics as a tariff-reforming conservative which drove his political geography. To the extent that geography acted as a container for politics, Mackinder was still in the tradition of the early modern period, although he did change the form of that argument.     

“以理想之政党改造中国”——浅议张君劢的政党观

在1949年之前的二三十年时间里,张君劢经过自己的独立思考形成了具有特色的政党观.他不赞成无条件引入西方模式,先是主张政党专心于国民政治教育,为政党政治创造条件;继而采取政党合作、"举国一致"之立场,旨在避免政党竞争之"流弊",并集中力量共赴国难.同时他在借鉴西方经验的基础上,就如何进行"理想政党"之建设提出了不少建设性意见.     

Politician or Poet? The 6th Lord Byron in the House of Lords, 1809–13

Lord George Gordon Byron, 6th Baron Byron of Rochdale, is known internationally as, perhaps, the most famous Romantic poet of his generation. His work continues to be read across the globe. As a peer (succeeding to the title following the death of his great uncle, the 5th Baron Byron, in 1798) he was entitled to a seat in the Lords, and this article covers the period during which he was active in the House. He took his seat in 1809, but most of his work in the Lords took place between early 1812 and the summer of 1813. Thereafter, his financial troubles, his stellar literary career, and his personal problems, led him to spend little or no time in the House, and he lived abroad between 1816 and his death in 1824. In 1812, before he had become known for his poetry, except among a small London elite, he began actively to cultivate a political career, and he made his maiden speech on the Framework Knitters Bill in 1812. Byron was a prolific letter writer, and from his published correspondence as well as other sources of contemporary information, it is possible to document his growing career in the upper House, and to see how a young peer might make his way into politics in the absence of a particular sponsor.     

War and Revolution: Friedrich Engels as a Military and Political Thinker

This article explores the link between political and military strategy and tactics in the work of Friedrich Engels. Though widely praised for his understanding of military affairs, Engels’ interlocutors have tended to be dismissive of his political works. By exploring his politics through the lens of his military writings this article challenges the view that Engels was a mechanical materialist and political fatalist thinker. It argues that his military writings cannot be understood apart from his political works, and that, whatever the historical limitations of the specific conclusions to which he came, his method in these writings illuminate his profound grasp of the relationship between strategy and tactics at both the military and political levels.     

Le grand mal de l'époque: Tocqueville on French Political Corruption

During the years he was involved in French parliamentary politics, Alexis de Tocqueville was obsessed with the issue of political corruption. This article presents the first sustained analysis of Tocqueville’s speeches and writings on French corruption. It examines Tocqueville’s initial encounter with corruption during his run for parliamentary office, his sophisticated account of the sources of corruption, and his strategies for reforming French politics. The article contends that taking seriously Tocqueville’s struggle against corruption has the effect of complicating several conventional interpretations of his thought. In his speeches and writings on corruption Tocqueville shows himself remarkably willing to compromise with, even to work with, centralisation. And he argues that in a nation like France which lacks substantial local self-government, a vibrant parliamentary politics could be an effective means for promoting energetic civic participation.     

Exile and the Demos: Leo Strauss in America

This article explores the political, as opposed to the philosophical, impact of Leo Strauss’s exile in America on his thought. After a consideration of anti-Semitism and the importance Strauss attached to being a Jew, I argue that the fact that in America he no longer wrote in his Muttersprache but in English was central to his becoming a political theorist rather than a philosopher. Whereas as a philosopher he was unable to speak to the demos, as a political theorist what he needed was a group of “rhetors” who would carry a particular message to the demos.     

John Marshall Harlan's Political Memoir

Near the end of his life, John Marshall Harlan wrote a number of biographical essays, presumably at the request of his children. Most of the essays relate to his experiences in the Civil War. The essay reprinted here instead recounts Harlan's political career before he joined the Supreme Court. Although he rarely won any elections and only held a couple of offices, Harlan's political odyssey is significant in that it shows how his social views were formed. Harlan's transformation from a staunch anti‐abolitionist to a civil‐rights advocate can be viewed as a series of reactions against various opponents as he struggled to find his political identity after the collapse of the Whig party in the 1850s.     

Democracy and political economy: Tocqueville's thoughts on J.-B. Say and T.R. Malthus

This essay examines the intellectual origins of Tocqueville's thoughts on political economy. It argues that Tocqueville believed political economy was crucial to what he called the ‘new science of politics’, and it explores his first forays into the discipline by examining his studies of J.-B. Say and T.R. Malthus. The essay shows how Tocqueville was initially attracted to Say's approach as it provided him with a rigorous analytical framework with which to examine American democracy. Though he incorporated important aspects of Say's work in Democracy in America (1835), he was troubled by elements of it. He was unable to articulate clearly these doubts until he began studying Malthus. What he learned from Malthus caused him to move away from the more formalised approach to political economy advocated by Say and his disciples and move towards an approach advocated by Christian political economists, such as Alban Villeneuve-Bargemont. This shift would have important consequences for the composition of Democracy in America (1840).