中国知识分子的政治命运和独立人格

如果从邓小平宣布知识分子为工人阶级一部分开始算起的话,为改变中国知识分子的社会政治地位而进行的落实“党的知识分子政策”的工作,迄今已有整整十年的历史。今天,当我们回过头去重新审视这段历史,透过重重阴影去确定当代中国知识分子在社会政治生活中的地位时,便会发现,当代中国知识分子并没有因为他们被宣布为工人阶级的一部分而从根本上改善他们的社会政治地位。当代中国知识分子在十年时间内所走过的,是一条交识着希望与失望,欢乐与痛苦的极其艰难     

中国工人阶级“六三”政治大罢工

中国工人阶級自产生开始就参加了中国革命的斗爭。不过早期的斗爭基本上是为爭取生活权利而进行的經济斗爭。而1919年“六三”时期的工人爱国罢工則是中国工人阶級第一次政治罢工。在紀念“五四”和“六三”运动四十周年的时候,我們特別来回顧一下工人阶級第一次政治罢工斗爭,紀念我国工人阶级开始登上政治舞台进行光荣斗爭的开端是很有意义的。     

“火烧晨报馆”与1920年代中国知识界的思想与政治分野

1925年底发生的激进群众火烧晨报馆舍事件引发中国知识界巨大争议。主张精英政治的自由主义知识分子认为,这是对言论自由的肆意践踏,因而视群众为无知无识的“暴民”,群众运动是易于被别有用心之人操纵的“暴民运动”;主张阶级政治的中共党人认为这只是群众运动的轨外瑕疵,不能因此否定群众运动的整体进步意义,提出要对群众运动加以政治训练和组织领导。这场激烈争论最集中地反映了20世纪20年代中国舆论界和知识界中自由主义者与共产主义者之间的思想分歧与政治分野。对有志于改造中国的知识分子来说,马克思主义的阶级政治、苏俄的无产阶级专政,以及历史唯物主义对中国社会的理论分析和群众立场,已经成为一种新的思想选择和政治运动。     

陈独秀的政治何以不得不谈?——“不谈政治”与转型时代知识分子时代转型

在中国近代思想史上的转型时代,知识分子实现了由传统向现代的转型,它表现为知识分子学术和政治身份的分离,政治本身的变化影响着这个过程.研究陈独秀“不谈政治”问题有助于对此作出揭示.早年积极反清时,政治和学术间张力在他身上已经显现;新文化运动中宣称“不谈政治”,一方面意味着他选择学术,暂时掩盖了张力;另一方面,“不谈政治”背后关心的仍是政治,反映出政治正在逐步“发现社会”;五四运动后,政治必须通过社会运动来推进,政治和学术间的张力也就达到了顶点.知识分子时代转型的复杂过程意味着一次分流,以学术为业的现代知识分子继续呼吁“不谈政治”,相当部分投身社会运动的政治行动主义者则成为职业革命家,中国革命呈现新的面貌.     

塔西佗历史书写中的“年代记”及其政治功能北大核心CSSCI

塔西佗以传统“年代记”体裁写作自奥古斯都到图密善统治时期的历史。他的历史探讨最深刻的人性与政治的关系,以此论证元首政体的好坏与统治者品性之间的联系。塔西佗的政治生涯大部分在图密善时代度过,在图拉真统治时期开始写作历史。图密善的暴政使他对历史写作持谨慎小心的态度,而暴政带来的影响使他希望通过历史写作给贵族阶层提供政治教诲,培育政治上的审慎美德,以便服务于国家。历史写作上的谨慎和提供教诲的愿望,使他放弃了当时流行的皇帝传记体裁而选择传统“年代记”体裁。尽管“年代记”与皇帝传记一样,都把皇帝作为叙述中心,但塔西佗研究的重点是皇帝的统治技巧、计谋和贵族阶层对此的回应,这种叙述体裁的选择因而也是其写作意图的组成部分。     

周恩来最早提出知识分子是工人阶级一部分

据金凤《记李立三同志的一次谈话》(《百年潮》2000年11期)记载,1949年10月30日,李立三就提出:“知识分子是工人阶级一部分”。《百年潮》2001年11期载孙政清的文章进一步指出,早在1949年10月11日,刘少奇就提出:“劳心劳力者都是工人阶级。”其实,最早提出知识分子的工人阶级属性的是周恩来。新中国成立前夕,1949年7月6日,周恩来在中华全国文艺工作者代表大会上的政治报告中就指出:“文艺工作者是精神劳动者,广义地说来也是工人阶级的一员。”精神劳动者的范围相当广泛,包括文艺工作者、教育工作者、宣传工作者等等。周恩来当时就认为,这些从事精神劳动的知识分子从广义上讲都是工人阶级的一部分。7月23日,在全国工会工作     

中国首都研究的近代观

中华文明几千年,历代君主曾为自己利益而建立一个又一个首都。当中国自19世纪后期开始步向近代化,在20世纪20到40年代之间,一批学习过近代知识的新知识分子,研究起中国的首都问题。仅从笔者所见70余篇论文看,已经可谓形成一个论争专题了。查一查日本竹内实教授主编的《中国近现代论争年表(1895—1989)》,则又不见著录;看看谭其骧教授近年论述,笔者对于他严谨地考查中国古     

新中国成立以来党的知识分子政策演变与知识分子的现代走向

建国以来党的知识分子政策随着中国现代化进程不断演进,经历了建国初期“团结、教育、引导”方针下的思想改造运动;在“反右”和“文革”期间则打下“阶级斗争”烙印;至新时期在“尊重知识、尊重人才”方针指导下,拨乱反正、回归理性,对知识分子实行“政治上充分信任、工作上放手使用、生活上关心照顾”,并随着改革深化进一步强化人才观念,重视“培养人才,用好人才,吸引人才”。与此相应地,中国的知识分子适应“现代性”要求,去除旧制度下知识分子的“依附性”,体现新制度下知识分子的“主体性”,集合现代化建设所要求的知识分子的“现代性”,在中国现代化进程中不断成长壮大,已经成为中国工人阶级的一部分并在社会主义现代化建设中承担重要使命。     

评《努力》在“歧路”前的摇摆

《努力》,即1922年5月7日由胡适创办的一份周报。这份周报在近代中国的意义非同一般,它既是五四新化统一战线终结的标志,也是作为社会中间性力量的自由知识分子相对独立地登上历史舞台的开始。胡适等人创办这份报纸的本意是为了“向政治上去努力”,结果却以“谈艺”告终。《努力》在“谈政治”还是“谈艺”“歧路”前的摇摆,不仅折射出二十年代初中国社会改革的异常艰难,也给人们识别自由知识分子的性格特征提供了绝好机会。     

十字路口的顾维钧--对两难境遇中的自由主义者的考察

1940年代末是20世纪中国自由主义政治思潮活跃的重要时段,其发生发展有着极为宽泛和复杂的生态背景,此乃国民党政治势力式微、共产党政治影响急剧发展的时代,各种政治力最以此为契机,竞相登台表演。留美自由主义知识分子顾维顾及其群体力图超越国共两党的对立,建立起多元的政治体制,在两难中陷于失败。     

Class,capital, and identity in Australian society

Despite a comparatively ‘flat’ social structure and lack of obvious class-based cleavages, Australian society is stratified by objective, multidimensional measures of social class. Using data from a July 2015 survey of a random sample of Australian citizens, latent class analysis identifies six class types in Australian society, based on the distributions of cultural, social, and economic capital among respondents. The resulting classes are categorised as ‘precariat’, ‘ageing workers’, ‘new workers’, ‘mobile middle’, ‘emerging affluent’, and ‘established affluent’. The precariat is characterised by high numbers of retired pensioners, the ageing worker class the highest mean age, and the new worker class by its low rate of unemployment. The established middle class accounts for one quarter of the adult population, while the emergent affluent class has the youngest mean age, and the established affluent is the most advantaged. We also show Australians are acutely aware of their class identity.     

Spatial segregation and class subjectivity in Turkey

Drawing on ethnographic research in an upper-class district in Turkey, this article examines social and spatial experiences of young low-wage service workers who travel daily back and forth between their homes in low-income neighbourhoods and their jobs in gated communities, upscale shopping malls and corporate offices. The paper argues that the significance of upper class districts or gated communities for urban inequality lies not in the sites themselves, nor the lifestyles of their elite inhabitants as commonly treated in the literature, but rather in the ways in which they relate to the outside and outsiders. Within this framework, the paper analyses the district’s effect on urban spatial segregation and urbanites’ sense of place in society. While resentment and reaction to inequalities and upper class customers are prevalent in young workers’ narratives, workers’ class subjectivities are also marked by a sense of mobility and liminality between the upper middle classes in their work district and their families, friends and neighbours back home. This sense of socio-spatial ‘in-betweenness’ is reinforced by being young, hence a sense of temporal liminality between youth and adulthood. The study contributes to the understanding of urban inequality at the intersection of spatial, emotional and temporal experiences of urbanites.     

The peasantariat and politics: migration,wage labor,and agriculture in Botswana

This article examines Botswana's wage labor migration in terms of 2 reigning theories: 1) as a dichotomy between traditional and modern society, with workers viewing agriculture as an alternative to more desirable wage employment; or 2) as a subordination of colonial society to capitalist society, with workers drawn from the resulting underdeveloped and impoverished areas and divorced from their agricultural potential. Approximately 90% of Botswanan households have a wage worker; less than 1/4 of households rely on the agricultural economy alone. 80% of the population works in agriculture in some way, but agriculture contributes only 35% of total rural income. Over 50% of households are below the poverty level, and most must rely on a variety of income sources for subsistence. 68% of rural households (Botswana is 84% rural) have absent wage earners while 45% have 1 or more wage earners present. Absent wage earners work mainly in unskilled and semi-skilled jobs in Botswanan towns (44%) and villages (22%), and lands and cattlepost locations (5%) in South African mines (19%), and other jobs in South Africa (8%). Individuals with low socioeconomic status tend to migrate to South Africa; those with higher status move to Botswanan towns. Working for wages has become customary for most Botswanans. This article undermines conventional development theories by showing the close interweaving of the modern and traditional societies, and arguing that traditional retention of communal land rights and cattle ownership served the capitalistic system by becoming the basis for wage earning; previous income source (agriculture) did not disappear, but their use was altered. South African mining returns to the Botswanan government since 1965 largely benefited a growing petty-bourgeois class and marginally improved the life styles of the peasant labor class. Botswana's development depends on the relationship between the peripherial laboring class and the dominating petty-bourgeois and its internal structure.     

Between left and right: cooperation and the split between Yu Qiaqing and the CPC during the era of the Northern Expedition

During the Northern Expedition, the Communist Party of China (CPC) had close contact with certain businessmen; one of these was Yu Qiaqing of Shanghai, who played a role in the background of the Three Armed Uprisings of Shanghai Workers. Because of this contact, Yu Qiaqing was regarded as a leading figure of the leftist bourgeoisie. He was also considered an important collaborator with the provisional municipal government after these uprisings. However, his cooperation with the CPC did not jeopardize his alliance with the Nationalist Party. When Chiang Kai-shek, an old friend of his, arrived in Shanghai, Yu soon turned himself into one of Chiang's financial advisors. Although it is hard to argue that Yu Qiaqing's behavior was representative of most businessmen's party preferences, it does demonstrate that some businessmen had a profiteering attitude in politics and were open to taking advantage of the nexus between politics and business. Influenced by the political context and situation, the CPC was also able to flexibly apply its “class analysis” theory during that time to justify the policy of cooperating with people like Yu Qiaqing. However, the failure of cooperation with the bourgeoisie by 1927 became an excuse for opposing factions within the party to criticize this policy, and even affected the CPC's subsequent policy line afterwards.     

‘Life is War’: Informal Transport Workers and Neoliberalism in Tanzania 1998–2009

This article analyses how informal labourers fare under flexible labour markets and economic liberalization, through a case study of transport workers in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. It highlights the mainstream conceptualization of urban informality as self‐employment and its influence on policy. The article stresses the importance of class differentiation in the Dar es Salaam transport sector and the predominance of informal wage employment, the uneven degree of power commanded by bus owners vis‐à‐vis informal unskilled wage workers and the pernicious consequences of the lack of regulation of the employment relationship on the workforce itself and on society. It then interrogates the criminalization of the workforce and shows how labour over‐supply, its fragmentation and geographical dispersion explain workers’ lack of response to their plight. The longitudinal study of the rise and fall (1998–2005) of a labour association within the sector further highlights the tensions among the workforce and the forms and limits of their solidarity. The conclusion of this study suggests some policy implications.     

Interaction between Nature and Society and Modern Geography

This paper, delivered by one of the leading Soviet philosophers at a plenary session of the Fourth Congress of the Geographical Society USSR, is the latest authoritative statement on the relationship between physical and economic geography. The author balances the fact of increasing differentiation and specialization and the continued existence of separate physical and economic-geographic groups of disciplines against the need for more synthesis in geographic research. He thus echoes ideas expressed by V. A. Anuchin earlier this year in the philosophical journal Problemy Filosofii [see Soviet Geography, April 1964]. Konstantinov, in preparing the paper, made use of the materials of the Combined Conference of Philosophical [Methodological] Seminars of the Academy of Sciences USSR on the theme “The problem of the interaction of nature and society and the place of the geographic sciences in its solution” [see Tezisy dokladov (Abstracts of Papers), Moscow, 1964], especially the paper by A. G. Doskach, Yu. P. Trusov, and Ye. T. Fadeyev on “The interaction of nature and society and some problems of modern geography.” Konstantinov also acknowledges suggestions from Academician I. P. Gerasimov, V. Zh. Kelle, a philosopher, and Academician Ye. K. Fedorov, a geophysicist.     

从惩罚中透视《雷雨》中的俄底浦斯情结

曹禺先生的《雷雨》是中国现代戏剧史上里程碑式的作品，笔者认为它的主要成功之处是里面所体现的俄底浦斯情结，结合《雷雨》所产生的时代背景，就不难发现曹禺借俄底浦斯情结向我们展示了新旧社会交替时期人们的迷茫、人性生存的悲哀，所以《雷雨》中的俄底浦斯情结带有鲜明的时代特色和强烈的现实意义。     

Workers,Unions and the State: Migrant Workers in China's Labour‐intensive Foreign Enterprises

Migrant workers present a new challenge both to China's increasingly diversified industrial relations and to its state–society relationship, especially vis‐à‐vis China's developmental state. Through an examination of the situation of migrant workers in the country's labour‐intensive foreign investment enterprises, this article argues that it is difficult to establish tripartite industrial relations in China and that pluralistic labour organizations will not easily develop into civil society type labour entities. China's developmental state is in an ambiguous process in redefining its role. Its ability to micro‐manage society is weakening substantially. However, its developmental character at the macro‐level largely remains strong, allowing it to continue to restrict progress towards civil society. The future will ultimately depend on a collective determination by key players — the workers, unions and the state — to find a compromise.     

冯玉祥在陆军检阅使任内

1922年第一次直奉战争结束后,吴佩孚为了压制冯玉祥,将其由河南督军调任陆军检阅使,驻兵近畿.冯玉祥一抵北京,即组建陆军检阅使署于南苑.该署编制系参照巡阅使署编制而制订,职权 较前有所下降.正因该署是个"闲职",冯玉祥遂抓住有利时机,于任内干了几件惊天动地的大事,大多为人们所称道.及至1924年第二次直奉战争结束,张作霖气焰嚣张,段祺瑞仰其鼻息,排斥异己,冯玉祥以环境恶劣,毅然辞去陆军检阅使,专任西北边防督办.此后,他致力于经营西北,扩充实力,并于不久投身于国民革命.     

俞樾“门下士”、“群经”二札考释

故宫所藏俞樾“门下士”.“群经”二札.被定为是俞樾写给曾国藩的.通过考证.笔者认为是写给祁隽藻的。其内容涉及了《群经评议》的刊刻。《群经评议》为俞樾经学的代表作。“门下士”,“群经”二札反映刊刻过程的艰辛。