美国近代人权理论的历史考察

本文主要分析近代美国人权思想及理论的萌生、发展过程。认为在殖民地时期的宗教思想中就孕育了自由平等观和社会契约现,是美国人权思想的萌芽时期。在独立战争时期,天赋人权现成为殖民地人民争取独立的理论基础。在南北战争时期,争取公民的政治权利成为美国人权的主要内容。     

辛亥革命后的女权运动

19世纪末20世纪初,随着中国近代大工业经济的发展与民主、自由、平等的启蒙思想的传播,近代意义的女权运动在中国逐步开展起来。辛亥革命后,妇女界的一些激进人士掀起了一场要求女子参政,兴办女子实业与商店、银行,争取女子解放的颇有声势的运动,一度将女权运动推进到一个新阶段。     

中国共产党的国家建设目标历史演进分析

90年来,中国共产党围绕争取民族独立、人民解放和实现国家繁荣富强、人民共同富裕这两大历史任务,提出了多个既相联系又有区别的国家建设目标。新民主主义革命时期,面临半殖民地半封建的国情,中国共产党提出要建设一个独立、自由、民主、统一、富强的新中国;获得全国执政地位后,在社会主义革命和建设时期,中国共产党提出要建设社会主义现代化强国的国家建设目标;改革开放历史新时期,立足于总结社会主义建设的经验教训,中国共产党又提出了走中国式现代化道路,建设富强、民主、文明、和谐的社会主义国家的新目标。     

美国独立史在近代中国的介绍和影响

20世纪初年,中国进步的学术思想界学习、介绍和宣传美国独立史,以美国独立史作为中国人民争取民族自由独立的一种借鉴,对于反对帝国主义的侵略和奴役,推翻清朝封建专制统治,挽救民族危亡,以至建立民国,有积极的影响,成了当时波澜壮阔的爱国主义史学思潮的一个重要组成部分。     

毛泽东与张澜

毛泽东与张澜,一个是中国共产党领袖,一个是民主党派领袖,两人经历虽不同,但在争取民族独立和解放的历程中,在建设新中国的历史中,两人又相知相交,创造了共产党领导者和民主党派领导者肝胆相照的佳话。     

美国独立战争时期外交的剖析

美国独立战争是北美人民为摆脱美国殖民统治的一场民族解放战争。当时,美英之间力量对比悬殊,北美人民要战胜头等殖民强国英国决非轻而易举之事。但是,这场战争的结果却是以英国殖民者彻底失败而告终。北美人民为什么能以弱胜强,打败英国殖民军,取得独立战争的完全胜利呢?究其原因,除了这场战争是正义的民族解放战争,以及北美人民始终坚持武装斗争等之外,还在于美国独立战争的领导人进行了迂回曲折的外交斗争,以灵活、适时、有效的外交活动争取了法、西、荷、俄等欧洲国家的支持,因     

在大革命洪流中创建中共广西党组织

近代以来,中国面临着争取民族独立和人民解放、实现国家富强和人民幸福两项根本性的历史任务。俄国十月革命以后,中国的先进分子选择了马克思列宁主义,马列主义与中国工人运动相结合,产生了中国共产党。     

资中筠 启蒙之魅

从国家领导人的翻译,到美国研究所所长,再到著作等身的独立思想家,资中筠念念不忘的是,知识分子应该保持独立的思想和自由的精神。在她看来,启蒙就是用理性之光照亮蒙昧的心智。在长期思想禁铜的制度下,知识分子需要自己解放自己,争取人格独立,减少依附性,坚决抵制颂圣文化．这与西化无关,而是救国救民的急需。     

潘恩的民主思想与美国独立战争

1783年9月北美独立战争的胜利,向全世界庄严宣布:一个新的伟大的民族独立了！美利坚合众国诞生了！不论从哪个角度来衡量这场战争的意义,它都堪称是“一次伟大的、真正解放的、真正革命的战争”。伟大的战争造就了一代伟大的人物。托马斯·潘恩就是顺应时代要求脱颖而出的革命家、思想家之一。他的民主思想在北美独立战争中起到了异乎寻     

“自由中国”的来龙去脉

1949年胡适等人在台北创办《自由中国》之前,1938年的武汉和1945年的上海已经出现了两份同样以《自由中国》为名的刊物。三份杂志呈现出"自由中国"不同阶段的演变。前者得到左翼文化人和中国共产党的大力支持,主张牺牲个人的自由以争取中国的自由,抗击日寇,保卫国家民族的独立。该刊后在桂林复刊,但左翼色彩有所减褪。太平洋战争前后,"自由中国"逐渐成为国际反法西斯同盟对坚持抗战的中国的尊号。这也使得恢复公开活动的上海国民党组织1945年创办的《自由中国》,在重光声中欢迎自由中国的领袖和将士,却很快就从重庆来人异样的目光中感受到不自由的气息。这与冷战思维下以反共为基调、唯美国主导的自由世界马首是瞻的"自由中国"追求迥异。     

The poetry of nationalism*

The poetry of nationalism has roots in ancient literature, particularly the Hebrew Bible, but is mostly a product of nationalism since the French Revolution. Many national poets are politically active and serve in government. Asserting artistic individuality, they express national individuality, though nationalism can also suppress creativity. Calling for moral regeneration, poets inspire their people with memories of heroism, real or imagined, and with myths unique to the nation. Their poetry often springs from defeat but anticipates national liberation and independence. Yet there is also a dark side to some national poets, particularly in their glorification of violence and lust for revenge against oppressors. National poetry changed after the failed revolutions of 1848–9. National poets were less inclined to believe in liberal ideals and progress toward universal goals and there was greater disillusionment and ambiguity toward the national role. World War I severely limited the militarist tendency in national poetry.     

‘The Charter of its Birthright’: The Civil War and American Nationalism

Abstract. This article examines the role of warfare in the development of American nationalism, focusing in particular on the American Civil War (1861–5). The American response to warfare, and especially to the two major conflicts that created and consolidated the American nation -the Revolution and the Civil War - is revealing in terms of how Americans went about the process of defining themselves as a nation. Evidence is offered here of how nineteenthcentury Americans used the American Revolution for both national and sectional definition; and how it in turn came to be supplanted by the Civil War as the positive act of American national construction. This article argues that the American response to the Civil War provides an opportunity for scholars to trace the development of the myths that are central to the construction of nationalism but that have, to date, only been examined in any depth in a European context. Specifically, it addresses the question of how and why a destructive, internecine Civil War is still regarded today as the ‘salvation drama’ of the American nation.     

宗教与美国革命

长期以来,国内史学界在研究和探讨美国革命时,大多从政治、宪法、经济、贸易、黑奴和民族等视角阐述美国革命的渊源和意义,鲜有宗教因素方面的考量。北美殖民地与英国宗主国在两大宗教问题上存在着冲突,宗教在推动殖民地走上美国革命之路方面发挥了重要作用。法印战争结束后,随着英国在宗教和政治上加大对北美殖民地的干预和控制,宗教自由和政治自由成为一枚硬币的两面,两者不可须臾缺一。正是在这个意义上,殖民地争取宗教自由的斗争促进和推动了美国革命的爆发和发展。     

A study of the origins of the Chinese communist movement from a new perspective – The History of the Establishment of the Chinese Communist Party by Ishikawa Yoshihiro

From around the time of the Opium War to the May Fourth New Culture Movement, democracy in China advanced through four stages. Originally it surfaced as a germ of rough ideas gleaned from imported knowledge; from there, democracy transpired gradually via various avenues towards a more sophisticated level in the period from the Second Opium War until before the Sino–Japanese War of 1894–1895 and meanwhile a number of individuals favoring utilitarianism opted for a constitutional monarchy as a way of making the nation strong. Then, following the Sino–Japanese War 1894–1895 until prior to the 1911 Revolution, when manifold Western ideas of democracy penetrated China, people embarked on somber discussions about what kind of democratic system China actually needed to adopt. During the years between 1912 and the May Fourth New Culture Movement, people initially rushed to build democratic politics but afterwards began to examine the ideologies and social structures that demonstrated compatibility with democracy. By the time the May Fourth Movement emerged, people hardly disagreed on the sense of democracy that they understood. After the May Fourth Movement people mainly focused their attention on the question of true and false democracy or the matter of what type of democracy harmonized best with national conditions in China.     

Zionism and Judaism: The Paradox of National Liberation

This article discusses the paradoxical history of national liberation and religious revival as manifested in three states that achieved independence after World War II: India, Algeria and Israel. Although the original leaders of all three national-liberation movements—the Indian National Congress, Labor Zionism, and the Algerian FLN—were secular, in the states that they created a politics rooted in what can loosely be called fundamentalist religion is today very powerful. The resistance of the traditional elites to national liberation, which is by definition a secularizing, modernizing and developmental creed, takes on a new ideological form after the achievement of political independence, when the defenders of traditional religion, themselves renewed and modernized, begin the construction of a counterrevolutionary politics.     

美国的冷战意识形态:内容与作用

冷战时期的美国外交政策受到由下列三套相互联系的观念构成的冷战意识形态的深刻影响:建立在自由主义基础上的反共主义和输出民主的理想;从民族主义衍生出来的国家伟大、全球责任和(自由)世界领袖信念;源自种族主义的东方主义偏见和文化等级观念。正是美国的冷战意识形态把美苏冲突建构成自由与极权两种生活方式之间的斗争,使冷战超越单纯的地缘政治争夺变成争夺人心的较量,冷战在某种意义上是美国的意识形态工程。     

“三大政策”与独立自主的新中国外交

中国革命胜利前夕,中共中央制定了"另起炉灶"、"打扫干净屋子再请客"和"一边倒"的三大外交政策."三大政策"的基本内容是:废除一切不平等条约,彻底清除帝国主义的残余势力,拒绝承认国民党政府与外国的外交关系;新中国是一个充分享有独立、自由的主权国家,作为国际社会中的平等一员,它与任何国家的关系必须以平等互利和尊重领土主权为基础;中国的独立离不开社会主义国家和国际无产阶级的援助,为确保未来的国家安全和经济建设的顺利开展,新中国将加入以苏联为首的和平民主阵营."三大政策"反映了新民主主义革命的必然要求,表明了即将站立起来的中国人民掌握自己命运的坚强意志.独立自主是"三大政策"的本质和核心."三大政策"有着有机的内在联系,共同构成了新中国外交的坚实基础.     

‘They’ll never understand why I’m here’: British Marxism and the Irish Revolution, 1916–1923

The Irish Revolution of 1916-1923 posed a huge challenge to Marxist organizations in Britain. Although Marx and Engels themselves had supported Irish independence, later British socialists were not able to frame a consistent response to the Irish national question. Few organizations supported the Easter Rising in 1916 and although attitudes changed markedly during the Irish War of Independence, most British Marxists, with some notable exceptions, did not seem to view the Irish struggle against British imperialism to be connected to their own struggle for revolutionary change in Britain.     

‘Our lives,our fortunes,and our sacred honors’: The Kansas Civil War and the revolutionary tradition

New England settlers used the history of the American Revolution in their struggle against the proslavery party in Kansas territory. As the settlement of Kansas became increasingly politicized over slavery, New England settlers drew on the history of their Puritan and Patriot ancestors to legitimize their actions. Although the New Englanders were a minority of the Kansas population, they nonetheless claimed a privileged understanding of the meaning of liberty in the United States. The free‐state political movement used these claims as an effective propaganda tool. The New England settlers, and the free‐state movement, claimed to be acting on the principles of the Revolution. At times, free‐staters argued that their struggle surpassed the Revolution in significance. Eventually, later Kansans concluded that the Kansas Civil War had been, not a revolution itself, but the prelude to a national Civil War of revolutionary significance in its spread of human liberty.     

Contested visions of American democracy: citizenship, public housing, and the international arena

This essay reexamines the history of public housing and the controversy it generated from the Great Depression to the Cold War. By recasting that history in the global arena, it demonstrates that the debate over public housing versus homeownership was also a debate over the meaning of American citizenship and democracy, pointing up starkly divergent notions about what was and was not American. Through an examination of national conflicts and neglected local struggles, this article further shows that the fight over public housing was far more meaningful and volatile than traditionally assumed. Both critics and advocates of public housing drew from international experiences and imagery in positioning the home as a constitutive feature of citizenship in American democracy. Fears of Bolshevism, fascism, and communism served to internationalize issues of race, space, and housing and together shaped the decision of whether a decent home was an American right or privilege.