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1.
晚清天主教会与耶稣教会的冲突   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
杨大春 《史学月刊》2003,2(2):55-61
1891—1911年间,中国天主教会与耶酥教会的矛盾激化,屡屡发生历史上前所未有的天主、耶酥教派冲突。目前主要史籍中有案可查的这类冲突共有42起,经分析归纳其有五大特点,七种原因。中国政府对教派冲突问题非常重视,对它的处理不同于对其他教案,具有两种特点。  相似文献   

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关于教案的发源,目前学术界大致有四种观点:1.侵略说;2.中西化冲突说;3.三重危机说;4.多种因素说。①笔以为,笼统地将晚清近两千起②教案发生的原因归结为列强侵略或两种异质化之间的冲突等都未免失之简单,应作具体分析。在晚清直隶,引发教案的原因是多方面的,主要有:由传教士查还旧址、租买房产以及民教互争公产地亩引发的地产之争;摊派各种庙会和修庙钱引发纷争;细故口角争殴;教堂或传教士、教民遭劫窃引发;反教谣言、揭贴引发;民教双方由相互猜疑进而捏情上控引发教案等。  相似文献   

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晚清政府的海洋主张与对南海权益的维护   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
晚清时期,南海诸岛丰富的自然资源、重要的交通地理位置以及军事上的战略枢纽地位,引起了西方列强的觊觎,此时南海诸岛的主权问题已经较为明显地凸现出来。在与列强斗争过程中,晚清政府采取一系列措施来加强南海诸岛的开发建设,并自觉运用国际法来捍卫我国的海洋国土主权。  相似文献   

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蒙古统治罗斯后期,面对莫斯科公国的日益强大和金帐汗国的渐趋衰微,东正教会与蒙古统治者的联盟土崩瓦解,教会转而支持莫斯科公国,教俗联合吞并各公国,储备建立统一国家的实力,并最终推翻蒙古统治。政教联合促进了俄罗斯统一国家的形成和民族文化的发展,同时有助于莫斯科公国和教会国际地位的提升。  相似文献   

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This article contributes to a wider critique of the use of European capitalist, patterns of industrialization in studies of the economic history of modern China—patterns commonly assumed to be universally valid. This sort of analytical framework denies not only the value of alternative economic models, but also that of Chinese independent economic thought. In this context, the present article argues that most of the intellectual changes of seventeenth-century Europe that led to the formulation of liberal capitalism—resistance to government intervention, support for luxury consumption as well as a new understanding of the market and of the relationship between private interests and morality—had taken place in China more than a century earlier. The background against which the two processes emerged, however, varied significantly, leading to distinctive ramifications. Unprecedented population growth and a widening gap between hinterland and coastal economies led Chinese officials and intellectuals to discard ideas of free market and focus instead on solutions for increasing production, maximizing the circulation of resources, and fighting poverty. It was not, therefore, a lack of a “scientific” understanding of the economy that led China to turn away from European-style laissez fare, but rather an evaluation of the Empire’s circumstances, raising questions on whether the European model is indeed universally applicable regardless of local conditions.  相似文献   

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晚清民国,中国艺术处于前所未有的历史转型时期。这一时期的艺术是西风吹拂下的艺术,是中西杂陈、新旧交并的艺术,西方艺术的写实主义被引入作为革新旧艺术的利器。20世纪中叶由于社会原因,中国艺术又从写实主义过渡到现实主义。处于这一时期的艺术家,关注社会,心系国家,把艺术革新跟社会革新、跟国家的命运紧密联系起来。而这一切,都是因为"内外交困",这一切也都是因为"内外交合"。  相似文献   

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This article aims to improve the understanding of salt production in the upper Three Gorges region, based on archaeological investigation and excavation of salt-production sites in Yushan, Pengshui County, Chongqing. This article introduces the features of salt sources and the types and dates of the salt wells in Yushan, and investigates the local brine transportation and salt-making techniques. The Zhongjingba site is a large salt-making site with well-preserved remains of production and support facilities dating from the 18th and 19th centuries. Large numbers of evaporation furnaces, brine tanks, and working pits have been excavated and revealed a complete process of producing salt. Analysis of historical documents and the excavated remnants has allowed the reconstruction of the po lu yin zao salt-making process (which, in Chinese, means to splash brine onto the evaporation furnace), the first archaeological evidence of this technique; the management, output capacity, and sales area of the ancient salt production in Yushan are also discussed.  相似文献   

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演义体的史学作品作为史学的重要组成部分,在向下层民众传播历史知识的过程中发挥着重要作用。清末以降殆至民初,演义体的史学作品杂然纷陈,其中世界史演义的出现尤为醒目,演义域外新知,启迪下层民众,激发爱国热忱,成为世界史演义作者共同的创作意图。大量世界史演义作品的出现,既是此时期历史演义创作中的重要现象,也成为此时期的演义体史学一个重要特点。  相似文献   

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"民主"一词在近代中国的再生   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
谈火生 《清史研究》2004,1(2):34-45
本文从历史语义学的角度 ,首先考察了“民主”和“民本”在汉语语境中的古典含义及其在中国传统政治思想格局中的位置。在此基础上 ,细致地分析了近代以来“民主”一词如何在西方思想的刺激下 ,通过传教士和中国思想家的共同努力 ,被重新发掘出来 ,并在重新诠释的过程中 ,从“民之主” (君主 )走向自己的反面“人民群众当家作主”的过程。  相似文献   

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李佳白与尚贤堂--清末民初在华传教士活动个案研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
胡素萍 《史学月刊》2005,5(9):57-63
美国传教士李佳白早期在山东传教,维新时期创办针对上层社会传教的机构“尚贤堂”。从晚清至民国初年,李佳白通过尚贤堂联络中外人士、举办文化活动、宣传和平主张和实行各教联合,曾受到广泛关注。尚贤堂的创立和发展与中国社会的变迁密切相关,反映了20世纪初,在中国社会转型的背景下,在华传教士活动的新变化、新特点以及传教士的活动逐渐淡出中国历史舞台的过程。对这个问题的研究,具有一定的现实意义。  相似文献   

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西方传教士来华后,科举制度就成了他们关注的焦点。传教士对科举制度的审视,进一步暴露了科举制度的内在弊端,增强了科举改革的紧迫性;传教士对科举改革的设想,丰富了科举改革的思想,指明了科举改革的方向;传教士的宣传活动,促进了国人思想观念的解放,推动了科举改革的进程。然而,传教士毕竟不是科举改革的主角,其作用与影响终究是有限的。  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Roman Catholicism is most often imagined as an element of continuity in Poland’s turbulent history: even when a Polish state was absent from the map of Europe from the late eighteenth through early twentieth centuries, a recognizably ‘Polish’ church has been presumed to provide a robust institutional anchor for the Polish nation. This article, however, argues that the creation of a ‘Polish’ Roman Catholic church was a belated and protracted process, one that was only getting started in the years following the achievement of Polish independence in 1918. The church’s ‘Polonization’ was only partially a matter of emancipation from imperial-era restrictions. It often also involved the defence and attempted extrapolation of laws, practices and institutions that had developed under the auspices of the German, Austrian or Russian states and that the Catholic hierarchy viewed as healthy and desirable building blocks for a future Polish church. These imperial precedents continued to provide crucial points of reference in ongoing debates about what ‘Polish’ Catholicism was and what it should become.  相似文献   

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《Political Theology》2013,14(3):471-495
Abstract

Jesus was cruelly executed as the alleged "king of the Jews" because of his efforts for grassroots religious renewal and resistance to Roman rule in Palestine through local religious-political elites. By the fourth century CE, however, Christianity had become the official religion of the Roman imperium. An ambiguous account of both resisting and supporting imperialism has shaped all church history. Today the United States of America is widely recognized as the central power in a new global empire.  相似文献   

20.
王中茂 《清史研究》2007,1(3):87-94
有学者认为,1860年的中法《北京条约》确立了天主教会在晚清"内地置产的特权"。其实,《北京条约》只是为法国"正式"向清政府索取内地置产权提供了藉口。而比《北京条约》诈欺性质更为恶劣的1865年"柏尔德密协议"和对中国土地管理主权严重削弱的1895年"施阿兰协议",才最终确立了天主教会在中国内地的置产权。  相似文献   

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