西方基督教文化的宽容与不宽容问题

当代西方基督教文化实际上是一种有限宽容的文化。其主要表现是不愿与非基督教文化平等共存,强调以西方的自由民主的价值观来支配全世界。近500年来,基督教从世界上最不宽容的宗教走向有限宽容,是用许多人的生命和血的教训换来的。无疑,这种文化包含着各种美好的原则,但这些美好原则可以从不同的角度加以理解和应用。一神论、普世主义和现实经济利益的结合,使它在宣扬各种美好原则的同时,又在孜孜不倦地追求世界霸权。只要不平等的现行世界分工体系不变,它的有限宽容也很难发生实质性的变化。     

陕西白水县下河遗址仰韶文化房址发掘简报

2010年,陕西省考古研究院对白水县下河遗址进行了发掘,主要收获为三座大型房址。三座房址均为五边形,有内、外两层墙体,使用料礓石烧制的白灰铺设地面。房址内出土遗物以陶器为主,另有石器、骨器和蚌器。这三座房址的发掘,对研究仰韶时期的建筑技术以及该遗址的聚落、经济等具有重要意义。     

山西襄汾县陶寺城址发现陶寺文化中期大型夯土建筑基址

2005～2007年,根据中华文明探源工程(第一、第二阶段)相关课题的工作安排,要求在陶寺城址继续发掘,探索宫殿区布局和区划。陶寺大遗址保护规划的制定工作,同样迫切要求我们确定陶寺城址是否存在宫殿区,以及宫殿区所在位置、规模等比较明确的信息。因此,寻找宫殿     

Soft power in Turkish foreign policy

This article examines to what extent Turkey's foreign policy identity has transformed from being a ‘hard power’ to a ‘soft power’ over the last few years. In doing so, this article also contends that there is a close relationship between the degree of securitisation of issues and whether the power used to deal with them is hard or soft in nature. If issues of concern were securitised, the tendency to use hard power would increase. Another argument is that the main difference between these two types of power stems from the kind of ‘logic of action’ that governs the behaviour of agents. If an instrumental logic of action were in play, meaning if the goal were to force others to make a cost-benefit analysis through coercing or coaxing strategies, then one could talk about hard power. If the goal were to ensure that others would automatically follow the lead of the power-holder due to the power of attraction the latter has in the eyes of the former, then one could refer to the existence of soft power. The main conclusion of this article is that recent internal and external developments have contributed to Turkey's soft power potential.     

Byzantine History in late Ottoman Turkish Historiography

Abstract

The present Short Note is intended as a brief introduction to a subject which is part of a wider research project on Greek (ancient, Byzantine, and modern) as well as Roman history and culture as described and discussed in Ottoman literature, particularly in late Ottoman historiography. As an attempt to familiarise the reader with, at this stage, no more than a few aspects of the subject in question, the following sketch does not pretend to be exhaustive. It is hoped, however, that it will provide a general idea of the context, as well as of the relevant sources, some of which will be described in more detail. Our note is, in addition, intended to arouse interest, particularly from the point of view of Byzantine and modern Greek studies, and to invite comments.     

"基督教国家"的理念和现实基础

基督教在由“出世”倾向朝“入世”倾向转变的过程中,提出了神权统治的思想体系。利用中世纪初期西欧政治秩序的混乱,基督教会凭借其经济、文化和社会势能,实现了其政治理念,把中世纪的欧洲锻造成一个单一的政治实体,即所谓的“基督教国家”。这个进程充分反映了宗教意识形态对人类文明发展的巨大影响。     

The Electoral Foundations of Japan's Banking Regulation

This article locates Japan's financial policies in the context of electoral incentives. The collapse of Japan's economic bubble in 1990 exposed the rot in the banking system, hidden for decades by a Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) government intent on maintaining favor with local support groups and protecting inefficient small banks. In a move wholly uncharacteristic of Japan's postwar politics, the LDP ultimately forced the banks to absorb huge losses rather than require taxpayers to bail out their mortgage-lending subsidiaries (jusen). We compare the government's subsequent bank bailout scheme with past government action and find that the government's objectives have shifted from boosting bank profits to ensuring their prudential regulation. We conclude on an optimistic note about the prospects for more public goods-oriented politics in Japan.     

The Ideological Foundations of Arguments About Native Title

The political disputes over native title in Australia have generally been interpreted without recourse to ordinary ideological categories. The general failure to engage with ideology has hampered scholarly analysis, stunting the vocabulary and content of debate, as well as giving the content of public deliberation on the issue a curiously free-floating quality. In this article it is contended that arguments about native title are amenable to being understood as a product of the interaction of a range of well-known normative frameworks: liberalism, social democracy, conservatism, nationalism, socialism and transcendentalism. Each of these six ideologies furnishes rationales both for and against native title by focusing on different elements or preoccupations within the respective ideological traditions. A typological framework is proposed which outlines a range of ideal type positions in relation to native title.