增强党应对突发事件的能力

处理突发事件,是执政党不能不面对的重大问题.在当今世界各种矛盾相互交织,来自各方面的挑战不断,突发事件和难以预料的风险增多的条件下,增强党应对突发事件的能力,妥善处理各类突发事件,尽快化解可能引发的政治危机和社会危机,不仅关系到党执政的合法性基础,关系到党的执政地位的巩固,而且关系到国家政局的稳定和人民群众的生命财产安全.增强党应对突发事件的能力,一要努力增强党员干部驾驭复杂局面的能力和本领,二要改革和完善党应对突发事件的领导体制和工作机制.     

"三个代表"与政治文明:政治合法性的两个支点

政治合法性是政治学研究的一个基本命题,是各个政权更是执政党应该首先解决好的重大问题。在我国,这一问题的解决关系到执政党执政地位的持久性、稳固性,关系到社会主义制度的优越性和合理性。针对我国政治合法性的特殊性,我们党与时俱进、开拓创新．提出了“三个代表”重要思想和建设社会主义政治明这一全新的执政课题,构筑起了我国政治合法性的两个支点,为实现执政党执政合法性和枉会主义政治制度合法性的良性互动,指明了前进的方向和现实的路径。     

党在抗战时期应对执政环境的策略

执政环境是选择和制定执政策略的基本依据.顺应执政环境的要求,执政党还要善于改善执政环境.抗战时期,我们党抗日民主政权的存在环境出现了若干重大变化,党根据这一变化把团结和进步作为推进抗战的两大基本点,并集抗日、团结和进步于一体,从而完整表述了党应对新的执政环境的策略.     

从领导力提升看党的领导方式变革的新导向

执政党的领导力与其执政能力一样关系到党的兴衰。按照领导力提升的要求,党的领导方式必须适应时代要求进行相应调整。为此,必须以新的途径注重发挥党的影响力和凝聚力,必须将党的领导重心放在制定科学的发展战略和推动改革上,必须在注重提高党员干部综合素质的基础上集聚党执政的人才力量。     

加强执政能力建设是党的建设的新思维

党的执政能力建设始终是中国共产党不断探索和着力解决的重大课题.本文认为,党在现阶段大力倡导指导思想上的与时俱进,明确提出科学执政、民主执政和依法执政,积极推进党的执政能力建设,这不仅反映了执政党建设的时代要求,也体现了执政党建设的新思维.     

用党的先进性不断提升党执政的合法性

不断增强执政合法性是执政党追求的基本目标,而执政党在人类社会发展进程中的作用是保持自身执政合法性的不竭源泉。具有马克思主义与时俱进理论品质的中国共产党,只有适应时代发展的要求,不断增强党的先进性,才能巩固党的执政地位,才能始终保持党执政的合法性。     

新时期中国共产党的功能定位及其实现途径

中国共产党在现阶段的功能主要包括两个方面。深入阐释执政党在新时期的功能,全面分析影响执政党功能定位的决定性因素,着力探讨执政党功能定位的实现途径,对于加强党的执政能力建设以及提高党的领导水平与执政水平具有极其重要的意义。     

试析党的执政方式创新的路径选择

执政方式是执政党在处理与国家、社会以及其它政党的关系时所采用的体制、机制、途径、方法和手段的总称。中国共产党的执政理念是“立党为公、执政为民”,而改进新时期党的执政方式,应从树立科学的执政理念与创新党的执政机制两个方面入手,进而实现党的科学执政、民主执政和依法执政。     

实践"三个代表"与防范执政风险

经济全球化和国内社会经济、政治的变革给我们党的执政带来了新的挑战和风险,“三个代表”重要思想是建设新型执政党的伟大理论,实践“三个代表”是我们党防范执政风险、巩固党的执政地位的根本途径。     

中共八大对执政党建设规律的探索

中共八大在执政党建设史上具有极为重要的地位。大会初步认识到了我们党面临着从革命党向执政党的重大转变,着重提出了执政党的建设问题,从执政党建设的思想基础、阶级基础、制度保证和执政党主体的建设等方面,初步总结了执政党建设的经验,探讨了执政党建设的规律,丰富了毛泽东执政党建设思想,对加强党的执政能力建设和先进性建设有着重要的理论和现实意义。     

The Politics of Crisis: Deconstructing the Dominant Narratives of the Housing Crisis

This paper considers how dominant narratives of the housing crisis, since the 2008 banking crisis in England, have been created and what actions taken in its name. The paper deconstructs the term “crisis”, highlighting that its meaning has evolved from a critical moment to a protracted narrative which must be understood historically. Through discourse analysis into housing and party political policy, media and think tank reports, we argue that the employment of housing crisis by the government and others perceives it as an outcome of housing supply constraints and over-regulation—narratives that have justified subsequent policy actions aimed at propping up the housing and financial systems, opening new avenues for housing commodification, deregulation and financialisation and reproducing crisis anew. However, we note that these narratives can also break down and space can be created for the articulation of new narratives which refocus housing crises as emerging from inequality and class divisions.     

东南亚华人企业融资模式初探

本文认为东南亚华人企业的融资模式是一种严重依赖于商业银行贷款和存在大量关系型融资的间接融资模式。形成这种融资模式最重要的两个因素 ,一是东南亚各国的间接融资体制 ,二是华人企业本身的家族治理结构。金融危机后的华人企业将会逐渐减少关系型融资、增加直接融资 ,以使其融资模式更加合理。     

Russian Fiscal Federalism under Stress: Federal Support of Regions during the Global Financial Crisis

A former high-ranking Russian Ministry of Finance official examines the consequences of financial support extended to regions by the Russian Federation government during the global financial crisis in 2008-2010, for the purpose of exploring its potential impact on the regions' financial health in 2011-2012. The paper is structured around an analysis of the three major dimensions of that support: (1) legal and administrative actions undertaken at the federal level to reduce financial pressure on the regions; (2) increased issuance of intergovernmental fiscal grants in 2009; and (3) loans granted to the regions from the federal budget. The author argues that the financial crisis has provided a "stress test" that is useful in assessing the efficiency and flexibility of the Russian system of fiscal federalism.     

青海应对后金融危机的难点及对策措施

面对国际金融危机带来的严峻挑战,青海省委省政府及时制定实施了一系列应对措施,并取得了积极成效。但是,由于国际经济形势仍不稳定、出口环境仍然偏紧等因素的影响,青海应对后国际金融危机仍然面临着诸多困难。为此,本文结合当前国内外宏观经济环境,从加大正面宣传力度、压缩政府公务支出、转变经济发展方式、加强国内外经济技术合作、强化公共财政职能等方面提出了对策措施。     

Money talks: Decentralized personalism and the sources of campaign funding

Many scholars suggest that candidates are increasingly personalizing their campaign efforts, local organizations, and even their messaging. A variety of temporal factors have been identified as fueling this personalization of politics, including the decline of partisanship, evolving media norms, and changes in party organization such as the adoption of primaries. The personalization of politics is linked to spatial, or geographic, factors, as well. Research suggests that in geographically defined electoral systems, personalized campaigning most often involves a focus on district-level issues and that this translates into parliamentarians prioritizing local interests in the legislature. One potentially important factor that has been relatively understudied in explaining personalization is money, especially its geographic source. Using an innovative dataset that pairs candidate survey responses with administrative financial data, we test whether candidates are less likely to run personalized campaigns when their local party organization receives a higher proportion of its total income from the party at the centre. Our findings suggest that the degree to which campaign funds are raised locally or transferred from the central party office helps shape the message that local candidates convey to voters, although not how they get their message out.     

后金融危机视角下对资本主义、马克思主义与社会主义的反思

席卷全球的金融危机既对资本主义社会造成很大破坏,影响十分恶劣,却也彰显出马克思主义的价值和魅力,更让社会主义透现出光明的发展前景。但这并不等于资本主义行将灭亡、社会主义取得胜利的时机已经来临。金融危机给人们提出了一系列需要更加深入反思和认识的有关资本主义与社会主义的理论与实践问题,需要确立理性看待资本主义的态度,坚定马克思主义、社会主义的信念与信心。     

Introduction: Reconsidering Futurism

The financial crisis hit Italy harder than many other Eurozone countries. In part this was due to the fact that the crisis came upon a system that was weakened by years of sub-par economic growth. One of the several endogenous factors that explain the stagnation of the Italian economy is the weak corporate governance in the industrial sector and parts of the financial one. A framework that was designed to maintain stability in the ownership of companies and of certain types of banking institution ultimately led to an inefficient allocation of capital and to a lack of investment, which contributed to the loss of competitiveness of Italian firms in a fast globalizing marketplace.     

国际金融危机对世界国际旅游业发展的影响研究

国际金融危机对世界国际旅游业影响的传导机制是什么？对其影响进行科学分析与预测的指标是什么？其影响的状况与特点是什么？其影响的趋势及我国的对策又是什么？本文运用国际经济学与旅游经济学原理,收集分析世界经济与世界国际旅游业发展的统计资料,对具有代表性的旅行社、旅游饭店与旅游景区点进行调查研究,同时对我国国际化程度最高的世界著名旅游城市香港进行比较研究,从而回答上述问题。本文的主要内容包括：（1）国际金融危机对世界国际旅游业发展影响的传导机制与分析预测指标的构建与验证;（2）国际金融危机对世界国际旅游业发展影响的现状、特征与趋势,以及我国的对策研究。     

Entrepreneurial Urbanism After the Crisis: Ireland's “Bad Bank” and the Redevelopment of Dublin's Docklands

The development of Dublin's Docklands was paradigmatic of the speculative storm that overwhelmed the Irish economy between the late 1990s and the crisis of 2008. It also served as a textbook case of entrepreneurial urbanism, with the development agency driving private‐led development on a former industrial and waterfront site. Following the crash, however, the key actors have been decimated: the development agency itself, the developers and the banks. This article traces the re‐emergence of Docklands development in order to analyse post‐crisis urban development. I argue that the latest phase of development reproduces key aspects of entrepreneurial urbanism, but also includes novel aspects. In particular, the National Asset Management Agency, a “bad bank” set up to rescue the financial sector, emerges as a major force. The article contributes to debates on urban development after the crash, and the specific relationship between post‐crisis entrepreneurial urbanism and financialization.     

Revisiting the South Korean developmental state after the 1997 financial crisis

This study reassesses the conventional wisdom surrounding the developmental state of South Korea (hereafter Korea) since the 1997 Korean financial crisis. The conventional wisdom is that, as a result of the continued structural reforms prompted by the crisis, the Korean developmental state, inherently characterised by active or direct state intervention, strong economic and industrial policies, the chaebol-oriented economic policy, and labour exclusion, has finally begun to dissolve in earnest. In this study, we have considered whether that is really the case and also which theoretical implications can be drawn from this consideration. Analysis of the Korean developmental state following the 1997 crisis has indicated that, quite contrary to conventional wisdom, the developmental state has continued to prevail as a core policy framework of the Korean administrations even after the crisis. There is no doubt that the continued structural and market reform after the crisis certainly undermined the Korean developmental state to a certain degree, but that does not mean the beginning of the end of the Korean developmental state at all. For much evidence strongly indicates that the Korean developmental state still remains intact and strong despite the structural reforms, on account of the successive Korean governments’ assiduous and deliberate efforts to maintain and reinforce it. Even after the crisis, the Kim Dae-Jung and post-Kim regimes have hardly abandoned many of their market interventionist policies. Such market interventionist policies, which were routinely practised under the military regime in the 1960s and 1970s, diametrically contravene the argument that the Korean developmental state has begun to dissolve as a result of structural reform after the 1997 crisis. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the Korean developmental state persists as usual. All this information, then, suggests that path dependence is in action in the case of the Korean developmental state, and this suggests a further hypothesis that the Korean developmental state is very likely to persist in the future as well, despite increasing globalisation pressure, given the strong path dependence.