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1.
袁指挥 《世界古典文明史杂志》2008,(3)
阿马尔那时代是近东历史上的和平外交时代,五大国支配着外交的走向和国际关系的格局。在大国外交中,存在3种外交方式,礼物交换、王室联姻和信息沟通,这3种外交方式构成了当时外交的主要形式,促进了和平外交的持续发展。 相似文献
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Mark Beeson 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2011,65(5):563-577
Australian policymakers have always harboured a desire to ‘punch above their weight’. On occasions they have succeeded. At a time when Australia's strategic, economic and environmental future is inextricably bound up with that of its immediate neighbours and the wider world, there are compelling reasons for hoping that they still can. This paper explores some of the most important aspects of Australian foreign policy during the Rudd era and asks whether the Australian government can play a constructive—even an exemplary—role in finding solutions for some of the planet's most pressing problems. 相似文献
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Peter E. Mulherin 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2019,73(4):357-375
This article addresses the role of democracy in Australia’s foreign policy formation. It argues that public debate and deliberation on foreign policy is a normative good. When there is a lack of debate on a government decision, a democratic deficit occurs. Such a deficit is evident in the way Australia goes to war; however, the examples of Canada and the UK show that reforming parliamentary practice is possible. In the context of the ‘war on terror’, this article compares Australia, Canada, and the UK from 2001 to 2015 with regards to ‘war powers’. Drawing from debates recorded in Hansard, it finds that while Canada and the UK took steps to ‘parliamentarise’ their foreign policy formation, the war-powers prerogative of the Australian government remained absolute. It concludes that increasing the role of parliament may go a long way towards democratising the decision of when Australia goes to war. This has practical as well as normative benefits, since it may prevent governments from entering wars that are unsupported by the public. At minimum, it will compel governments to engage more thoroughly in public debate about their proposed policies, and justify their decisions to the nation. 相似文献
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Andrew Carr 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2014,68(1):70-84
This article examines whether Australia is a middle power. It identifies the three most popular approaches to defining a middle power: by a country's position, behaviour and identity. The article tests each definition against Australia, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of each. Highlighting an earlier systemic approach to defining states, an alternative ‘systemic impact’ definition for middle powers is proposed. This approach, it is argued, provides a more comprehensive manner for identifying whether a country like Australia is a middle power, along with the implications for international security. 相似文献
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Nikola Pijovic 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2016,70(5):541-562
The issue of bipartisanship in Australian foreign policy is not often substantially addressed. The country’s relations with the world appear to exhibit strong continuity regardless of the political party in government. And yet, when it comes to engagement with African states and issues, the last two decades have seen highly prominent partisan differences in Australian foreign policy. This article utilises the example of Australia’s foreign policy engagement with Africa to argue that there may be two levels of understanding bipartisanship in Australian foreign policy. On the one hand, aimed at relationships and issues perceived to be of primal and significant security and economic well-being for the country, Australian foreign policy does indeed appear to be bipartisan. However, aimed at relationships and issues that have traditionally been perceived as holding minimal security and economic interest and importance for the country, Australian foreign policy does exhibit partisanship. 相似文献
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Jeffrey Robertson 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2017,71(4):355-370
Renewed interest in middle powers since the late 2000s has seen a surge in research. Yet an agreed definition is more elusive than ever. This compromises the ability to pursue meaningful research programs, communicate practical policy advice, and instruct future generations. Why is an agreed definition so elusive and how can this challenge be overcome? The author contends that the definition of the term ‘middle power’ has evolved to be less about discovering either ‘the meaning of a word’ or ‘the nature of a thing’ in the pursuit of knowledge, and more about persuasion, influence, coercion and, ultimately, the exercise of power. An alternative approach to definition offers the best hope to address this challenge. With this objective, the author first looks into the nature and criteria for definition in the social sciences. Second, he looks at the structure of contemporary attempts to redefine the term. Third, he analyses definitional ruptures to shed light on the rhetorical import of contests. Finally, the author turns to rhetorical theory to offer an alternative approach to the definition of the term ‘middle power’. 相似文献
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This article attempts to understand the properties, potentials and limits of middle-power activism in a changing global order. Extensive debate on the rise of emerging powers notwithstanding, the potential contributions of emerging middle powers in regional and global governance, and the imminent challenges they face in their struggle for an upgraded status in the hierarchy of world politics, is an understudied issue. This study aims to fill this gap by offering a broad conceptual framework for middle-power activism and testing it with reference to the Turkish case. In this context, the authors aim to address the following questions: What kind of roles can emerging middle powers play in a post-hegemonic international system? What are the dynamics, properties and limitations of emerging middle-power activism in regional and global governance? Based on an extensive study of the Turkish case, the authors’ central thesis is that emerging middle powers can make important contributions to regional and global governance. Their ultimate impact, however, is not inevitable, but depends on a complementary set of conditions, which are outlined in this study. 相似文献
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数学是一切科学之母”,它是一门研究数与形的科学,它无处不在。要掌握技术,先要学好数学,想攀登科学的高峰,更要学好数学;“教学是锻炼思维的体操”,数学的重要性不仅仅是它蕴合在各个知识领域之中,而且更重要的是,它能很好地锻炼人的思维,有效地提高能力。而能力(理解能力、分析能力、运算能力)则是关系到学习效率的最重要的因素。我们常可以看到这种现象:一次大型考试结束.数学成绩的排队往往和总成绩的排队大体相当。 相似文献
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State sovereignty, in terms of the organisation and expression of political authority by nation states, is traditionally interpreted as a political container that is being weakened by increasing human and non-human mobilities. However recent research indicates that states are themselves becoming more mobile as executive bodies move and sovereign spaces are tactically reduced and expanded to intercept and control global mobilities. While challenging dichotomous notions of mobility and sovereignty, such research frames the movements of governments, territory and sovereign agents as the tactics of already established states. This paper builds on extant research by drawing on both a mobile ontology and Giorgio Agamben's theory of sovereignty to examine how mobilities constitute modern state sovereignty. To do so I examine Australian sovereignty and the related material and symbolic exclusion of asylum seekers arriving by boat. My analysis finds that mobilities, in terms of material movements and their representation, are essential to the construction of Australian sovereignty and the position of maritime asylum seekers as its outsider and limit identity. Through their mobile interception and management, and their representation as mobile ‘others’, maritime asylum seekers are used to create sovereign borders between specific types of movement; between ‘correct’ and ‘incorrect’ (im)mobilities. I argue that this form of state sovereignty is disarticulated from space and follows populations who construct territories as being ‘inside’ or ‘outside’ of the Australian state as they move. 相似文献
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A. Canci E. Repetto S. M. Borgognini Tarli 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》1992,2(4):305-310
This paper describes a case of an intrasellar tumour found in a male skull from Southern Italy dating from the middle Bronze Age. The sella turcica shows considerable enlargement in all diameters, erosion of the dorsum and marked depression of the floor. These features are consistent with a diagnosis of pituitary tumour, probably a non-secreting adenoma. 相似文献
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Dorothy Zeller Oehler 《Alcheringa: An Australasian Journal of Paleontology》2013,37(4):269-309
New genera of the Spiriferidae are described from the Permian sequences of the Carnarvon, Canning and Bonaparte Gulf Basins of Western and northwestern Australia. New taxa described are Latispirifer gen. nov. with type species Latispirifer callytharrensis sp. nov. and Latispirifer amplissimus sp. nov.; Costatispirifer gen. nov. with type species Costatispirifer gracilis sp. nov.; Cratispirifer gen. nov. with type species Cratispirifer nuraensis sp. nov. and Crassispirifer gen. nov. with type species Spirifer rostalinus Hosking (1931) and Crassispirifer pinguis sp. nov. The holotype and only extant specimen of Spirifer kimberleyensis Foord (1890) is re-examined and is assigned to Crassispirifer gen. nov. with a query. 相似文献
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语文是一门应用最广泛,最接近生活,内容最丰富多彩,最有情趣的学科,语文也应该是学生最感兴趣的课程。然而,深受应试教育影响的中学语文教学将充满人性之美、最具有趣味性的语文变成枯燥乏味的技艺之学,知识之学,乃至畸交为一种应试训练。这种现状与时代发展和社会变革对素质教育的要求相对立。语文教学要走出应试教育的误区,教师必须充分展示课堂教学的魅力,使语文课成为学生求知的乐园。 相似文献
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《Australian journal of political science》2012,47(1):91-113
This paper explores the impact of political trust and efficacy on citizens' opposition to government anti-terrorism police powers in Australia and five other nations with different levels of overall trust and confidence in government. Survey data are used to examine patterns of opposition to unlimited detention, random stop-and-searches, and telephone wiretap surveillance. While trust in government represents a powerful constraint on citizens' support for extending police powers in nations with historically low levels of trust, such as Russia and Taiwan, it plays almost no role in high-trust nations such as Australia, where citizens seem more concerned about governmental policy performance than abuse of authority. Overall, because citizens' trust and confidence in government vary nation by nation, the introduction of government anti-terror policies is received in distinctly different ways, allowing important insights into the nexus between political trust and governmental performance and authority. 相似文献
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土地改革后中国农村社会结构最突出的变化是,大多数贫雇衣上升为新中农,农村普遍出现了中农化趋向.新中衣的崛起及农村社会结构的变化,引起了中共中央的高度重视,经过时新中农这一阶层的定性分析,中共在制定合作化运动的阶级政策时,将新中农中间的下中农作为依靠对象,而将其中的上中农列为团结对象.本文主要依靠1950年代大量调查报告、工作汇报及其他文献资料,对土改后新中农的崛起及农材中农化趋势进行细致考察,揭示社会结构变动时中共阶级政策的深刻影响,借以说明土改后党的阶级政策不断调整的合理依据及其调整中的利弊得失. 相似文献
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The mainstream literature on weak status quo states’ diplomacy tends to identify their regional security roles in terms of dealing with non-traditional security issues. This article argues that such a limited approach is not sufficient to explain the current security dynamics in the Asia-Pacific. This article reviews the literature on weak status quo states’ influence on regional order. It then identifies a security environment in which they are more likely to exert some impact on maintaining and building a regional order. After contextualising these discussions in the Asia-Pacific setting, the article examines the experience of South Korea and Singapore as secondary powers in the East Asian region. Although both countries enjoy high levels of security cooperation with the US, both have also been able to exercise a certain amount of influence in advancing their own geostrategic interests amidst the growing Sino-US geostrategic competition. Yet their exploitation of Sino-US geostrategic competition is neither a simple balancing strategy against China nor a simple bandwagoning with the US, since both South Korea and Singapore have been increasing bilateral and multilateral security cooperation with China. 相似文献
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近代长江中下游地区农村典当三题 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
典当是中国农村重要的金融机关,与其它借贷相比,利息较低,属于温和的高利贷.典当与农村经济和农民生活关系密切,它不仅是农民重要的融资机构,而且还是连接都市金融与农村金融的桥梁,对农村金融运转有重要的作用. 相似文献
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《Interdisciplinary science reviews : ISR》2013,38(4):321-334
AbstractPerspectives on the phenomenology of the autistic experience are presented with particular reference to the imagination in autism and what may be conceptualized as ‘neurodivergent aesthetics’. Drawing upon a research project that explored the potential of drama as an ‘intervention’ in autism, an attempt is made to de-mythologize the condition by challenging stereotypes and by suggesting that the multimodalities of performance offer an appropriate space for ‘encounters’ with autistic states of being while also questioning the dualisms which distinguish between the aesthetic and non-aesthetic. 相似文献