李大钊论历史知识普及问题

李大钊从对历史学功用的重新定位与全新阐述,指出史学"最要紧的用处,是用他来助我们人生的修养"。因此,历史学的功用不能只强调政治性而不重视文化性;只关注社会而不顾及人生。这是历史知识需要普及而且能够普及的社会基础与广阔前提。在如何普及历史知识的问题上李大钊认为:首先,只有把历史看成"活的东西",才能把历史写活;只有把历史写活,才能引人入胜。其次,需要"历史研究的本身亦含有艺术的性质"。要"把历史研究的结果用文学的美文写出来"。第三,充分利用一切可以利用的机会与手段进行历史的普及。     

Polygyny: an indicator of nutritional stress in African agricultural societies?

"The object of this paper will be to present some of the anthropological literature on polygyny, both to illustrate [the variety among societies] and to suggest which aspects of polygyny should be investigated for their relationship to nutritional status." The geographical focus is on Africa. "The paper indicates that there are differences between societies which do not practise polygyny and those which do; that there are regional differences which affect how women experience polygyny as well as differences in individual societies related to economic change." (summary in FRE)     

The challenge facing migration research: the case for a biographical approach

"This article argues for an alternative conceptualization of migration which emphasizes its situatedness within everyday life. Our argument is constructed largely with the use of studies of internal migration from the developed world, but it must be stressed that the general theoretical argument could be extended to the study of migration in the developing world. Furthermore, our criticisms of current conceptualizations apply primarily to research into present-day migration rather than to more historical studies."     

The politics of prevention. Safe sex

In the Philippines, preventing AIDS and promoting condom use means taking on the Roman Catholic Church, which asserts condom/AIDS promotion is a subterfuge for promoting the acceptability of condom use for contraception. The Catholic Bishops Conference believes the solution lies in the formation of "authentic sexual values." The Secretary of Health in the Philippines considers that all Filipinos must fight AIDS and dispassionately hands out condoms to everyone everywhere he goes. Secretary Flavier claims he is being "condomized without trial." There are 368 identified carriers of HIV infection of which 68 have AIDS. Other estimates are of 35,000 HIV-infected persons. A study commissioned by Kabalikat recently found that 30,000 men aged 18-45 years in Manila have 2 or more sexual partners and do not use condoms. Some find the controversy is really about Flavier's aggressive style. Senator Francisco Tatad considers Flavier a "moral pollutant," while Senator Ernesto Maceda sees Flavier as acting to drown out the Church's powerful voice. Meanwhile, the health secretary finds that the publicity encourages open discussion. Cardinal Jaime Sin has declared in a large public gathering that the enemies of the Filipino family must not be allowed to win. Birth control, according to Senator Tatad, is "oppressive to the moral and religious beliefs of the Catholic majority." There is a plan to include AIDS education in high schools, which the Senate is currently investigating because of the religious consequences. The health secretary's plan is to promote a higher standard of living though family planning for a small family size. The target is to reduce fertility rates from an average of 3.9/women of reproductive age to 3.2 and to increase contraceptive acceptors from 42.5% to 52%. An independent poll reports 76% practicing birth control. Family planning has been a policy for a while, but it lacked commitment and political will. The family planning campaign will be launched in rural areas where the control of the church is not as strong. The educational emphasis has been supported by local governments and private groups such as DKT which perform street plays, of which an example is given. The Church is being challenged to set up natural family planning clinics in every diocese.     

董必武首倡"按法律办事"

1954年1月14日,董必武在政务院第202次会议上对1954年政法工作的主要任务作了说明,认为国家已经进入大规模的经济建设时期,治国方略应从搞运动转到"按法律办事".这是董必武在新中国成立以后第一次郑重提出"按法律办事",同时,他还提出了"培养群众法律意识"、"教育人民守法,首先要国家机关工作人员守法"等思想,这是他经过多年观察、思考而凝练出的治国良策,是他法学思想的升华.     

Book Reviews

Abstract

I begin with an attempt to discern the contours of the "debate" contained in the edited volume Theology and the Political: The New Debate. While the Radical Orthodox contributors are eager to critique those outside the fold, only two authors seem to talk back to them: Kenneth Surin and Mary-Jane Rubenstein. I agree with Surin's rejection of ontological hierarchy and Rubenstein's recommendation of Nancy's notion of "being-with," and I use their arguments to critique Radical Orthodoxy's ontology and their simplistic approach to "secular" authors, respectively. Insofar as one must discuss ontology in relation to theology and the political, I propose that we must actually develop a new ontology rather than simply reassert some version of the Thomistic synthesis. Finally, I fault the relative lack of reference to actual political practice, and above all the complete absence of Latin American liberation theology, in a volume ostensibly discussing "theology and the political."     

Agency, Postmodernism, and the Causes of Change

This theme issue's call for papers notes that "several prevalent and influential historical practices of the last thirty years have limited agency's significance, . . . seeing the human as the patient of History rather than its agent." The questions implicit in this statement are nowhere more urgent than in those practices collectively known as the "linguistic turn." Yet such questions have been explored sparsely enough in relation to this movement that some adherents can still insist that the ideas they favor do not devalue agency, while many simply ignore the issue and incorporate agency as an integral part of their work. By examining a largely unremarked episode in Michel Foucault's highly influential thought and considering its connections to foundational assumptions of the linguistic turn, we seek to demonstrate in detail why the premises that underlie both structuralism and poststructuralism (the theoretical movements most deeply implicated in the direction the linguistic turn has taken in history) logically require the denial of agency as a causal force and ultimately compel the conclusion that no change can occur in realities as interpreted by humans. We illustrate the intractability of these logical problems by analyzing unsatisfactory defenses from some of the few linguistic-turn historians who have discussed relevant issues, after which we conclude by suggesting that attention to current work in linguistics and cognitive science may help resolve such difficulties.     

Milestones and Stumbling Blocks,Continued

This commentary is based on a banquet address I presented at the 1989 Pioneer America Society conference. It looks back over the 15 years since hearing an address by Fred Kniffen at the 1974 Pioneer America Society conference, which was published as "Milestones and Stumbling Blocks." Kniffen's work in folk architecture and the work of his friend, Henry Glassie, have greatly influenced my own work in vernacular architecture and material culture. I offer an opinion on our progress in answering Kniffen's call for new efforts to comprehend daily life and the American landscape–our "search for landmarks"–contemplate new trends. My remarks are based on the study of local architecture in Missouri. While I hope for increased activity in field recording of cultural heritage, I wish to emphasize the rather new arena of cultural conservation as we aspire to apply our knowledge in the documentation and encouragement of traditional cultural expression in our nation.     

论"大跃进"战略的形成

1957年批判"反冒进",形成了所谓"积极平衡"的理论、生产建设中浮夸风的政治气候和行政运行上的互动机制。在毛泽东看来,要加快中国经济的发展速度,资金和物资的缺口可以依赖发动群众实现"积极平衡"。发动群众,其思想渊源与当年"大生产运动"有着密切联系,在经济上的涵义是充分利用中国丰富的劳动力资源。于是,在中国,"以苏为鉴"、"走自己的路"就意味着:通过充分利用劳动力资源,既试图加快重工业的发展,又试图在较少资金投入下加快农业和轻工业的发展;工业的发展实行"两条腿走路"。在此路径下,"人定胜天"的观念与浮夸风两者相互作用,终于形成了"大跃进"战略。     

Joseph P. Bradley's Journey: The Meaning of Privileges and Immunities

Justice Joseph P. Bradley of New Jersey will forever be remembered as the judge who in 1883 cruelly scorned black rights in the Civil Rights Cases . ¹ Yet Bradley's position that year marked the end of a journey that had started in a quite different place. Thirteen years before, when he first joined the Court, Bradley had read Fourteenth Amendment protections of citizens' rights expansively, believing that "it is possible that those who framed the [Fourteenth Amendment] were not themselves aware of the far reaching character of its terms." In 1870 and 1871, Bradley wrote that the Fourteenth Amendment's Privileges and Immunities Clause reached "social evils … never before prohibited" and represented a commitment to " fundamental " or "sacred" rights of citizenship that stood outside the political process and "cannot be abridged by any state." ² By 1883, however, Bradley had turned away from such views. In the Civil Rights Cases , he wrote that nothing in the Thirteenth or Fourteenth Amendments countenanced a law against segregation. Blacks, he said, must take "the rank of mere citizen" and cease "to be the special favorite of the laws." ³     

Plessy versus Lochner: The Berea College Case

Legal scholars and historians have often claimed to find intellectual affinities between the U.S. Supreme Court's notorious opinions in Plessy v. Ferguson and Lochner v. New York. In Plessy, the Court upheld a law requiring private railroads to enforce segregation, while in Lochner the Court invalidated a maximum hours law for bakers. Bruce Ackerman asserts that Plessy had its intellectual roots "in the laissez-faire theories expressed one decade later in cases like Lochner." In support of his thesis, Ackerman relies onthe Plessy Court's statement that if the two races are to mingle, it must be "the result of natural affinities, a mutual appreciation of each other's merits and a voluntary consent of individuals." Brook Thomas also blames the Plessy ruling on laissez-faire ideology. He argues that laissez-faire theory led the Court to seek to encourage the "natural" forces of segregation.     

How to Be an Intentionalist

The general aim of this paper is to establish the plausibility of a postfoundational intentionalism. Its specific aim is to respond to criticisms of my work made by Vivienne Brown in a paper "On Some Problems with Weak Intentionalism for Intellectual History." Postfoundationalism is often associated with a new textualism according to which there is no outside to the text. In contrast, I suggest that postfoundationalists can legitimate our postulating intentions, actions, and other historical objects outside of the text. They can do so by reference to, first, philosophical commitments to general classes of objects, and, second, inference to the best explanation with respect to particular objects belonging to such classes. This postfoundational intentionalism sets up a suitable context within which to address Brown's more specific questions.     

A Portrait of Hunger,the Social Safety Net,and the Working Poor

In a study at the largest northeastern Iowa food pantry between 2004 and 2006, we found that neither working nor accessing government benefits has a meaningful impact on lessening the odds that a person will need long‐term food assistance. In other words, the working poor are at greater risk for making recurrent visits to the food pantry than those who do not work. Pantry clients who work are more likely to have sacrificed food to pay for other life necessities. Moreover, government benefits do not seem to provide an adequate food safety net. As a result, nonprofits are experiencing increased pressure to fill the gap. If we wish to maintain the government responsibility to alleviate hunger in our country, benefits for eligible citizens must be increased or food assistance nonprofits need more government support. Otherwise we should face the fact that as an undeclared public policy, our society tolerates hunger.     

Oral Advocacy and the Re-emergence of a Supreme Court Bar

Over the past generation, roughly the period since 1980, there has been a discernible professionalization among the advocates before the Supreme Court, to the extent that one can speak of the emergence of a real Supreme Court bar. Before defending that proposition, it is probably worth considering whether advocacy makes a difference—whether oral argument matters. My view after one year on the opposite side of the bench is the same as that expressed by no less a figure than Justice John Marshall Harlan—the second one—forty-nine years ago, after he completed his year on the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. ¹ Justice Harlan lamented what he saw as a growing tendency among the bar "to regard the oral argument as little more than a traditionally tolerated part of the appellate process," a chore "of little importance in the decision of appeals." ² This view, he said, was "greatly mistaken." ³ As Justice Harlan told the bar, "[Y]our oral argument on appeal is perhaps the most effective weapon you have got." ⁴     

Medical science and the military: the Allies' use of amphetamine during World War II

Although amphetamine was thoroughly tested by leading scientists for its effects in boosting or maintaining physical and mental performance in fatigued subjects, the results never provided solid grounds for approving the drug's use, and, in any case, came too late to be decisive. The grounds on which amphetamine was actually adopted by both British and American militaries had less to do with the science of fatigue than with the drug's mood-altering effects, as judged by military men. It increased confidence and aggression, and elevated "morale."     

HISTORICAL MEANINGFULNESS IN SHARED ACTION

Why should past occurrences matter to us as such? Are they in fact meaningful in a specifically historical way, or do they only become meaningful in being connected to other sorts of meaning—political or speculative, for example—as many notable theorists imply? Ranke and Oakeshott affirmed a purely historical meaningfulness but left its nature unclear. The purpose of this essay is to confirm historical meaningfulness by arguing that our commanding practical interest in how we share action with other actors is distinctively engaged by presumed information about past occurrences. We recognize that past occurrences have determined the conditions of action sharing, constraining our practice with regard to which actors we share practical reality with and which compounding actions we may or must join in progress.     

楚人源于关中平原新证——以清华简《楚居》相关地名的考释为中心

楚人(族)的起源地及其迁徙路线问题,是一个长期困扰楚史研究者的艰难研究课题。清华简《楚居》的面世,为该问题的解决提供了可能。本文在既有楚人源于关中平原观点的基础上,指出《楚居》12个早期地名皆在今陕西省境内:"畏阝山"即蒉山,在蓝田县境;"穴穷"即镐京,在西安市西;"乔山"即峣山,在蓝田县与商州区之间;"爰陂"即原陂,在蓝田县境;"汌水"即灌水,今赤水河;"方山"即华山,今华山山脉;"盘"即蕃,"京宗"即郑荆,皆在华县境;"哉水"即兹水,今灞河;"屈"即冢,今商州区境;"鄀"即上鄀,在洛河、丹江上游;"夷屯"即丹阳,今商州区境。这些地名位置的落实,为楚人源于关中平原的观点提供了新的证据,为楚文化之谜的破译奠定了新的历史地理基础。     

Here We Go Again: Presidential Elections and the National Media

The fear of death is a major preoccupation in the West. This is not surprising given the debt we owe to Hobbes, who encourages this fear and makes it a central feature of his account of human nature. Rousseau, in contrast, wishes to reduce this fear as much as possible. Amour propre and the humanity Rousseau encourages are incompatible with excessive concern for self-preservation. This accounts for his antipathy to doctors and the medical arts. Rousseau, through his presentation of Emile and the savage, initially claims that the fear of death is unnatural and that humans should take a stoic stance toward it and all human attachments that lead to our "feeling death twice." A closer reading reveals that humans always have an awareness of death and that modern humans cannot entirely avoid these attachments. We can, however, avoid making preservation our highest goal, and this is essential to our happiness and ability to have compassion for others.     

Through Hell and High Water: New Orleans, August 29-September 15, 2005

Abstract: In October of 2005 the Historic New Orleans Collectioninitiated an oral history project entitled "Through Hell andHigh Water: New Orleans, August 29–September 15, 2005."The intent of the project was to capture the stories of firstresponders who worked in the New Orleans metropolitan area duringthe storm and the weeks that followed. The interview processhas been linked with the after-action studies done by some ofthe local first-responding agencies and has provided a much-neededoutlet for first responders. To date over three hundred subjectshave been interviewed, and our work thus far has shown us thattop-down methods of documentation do not work with an eventlike Katrina. The almost total loss of communications made itimpossible for high-ranking members of the different agenciesto control or even know what lower-ranking members were doing.As a result it will be necessary to cast a wide net in our documentationeffort.     

"Must not their languages be savage and barbarous like them?" Philology, Indian removal, and race science

This article highlights the federal government's role as a collector and arbiter of scientific knowledge of "the Indian," in projects directed by Lewis Cass, Albert Gallatin, and Henry R. Schoolcraft; examines the linguistic precursor to biological essentialism; demonstrates white philologists' reliance on Native tutors, some of whom also entered scientific and policy debates; and suggests why the federal government began moving toward English-only instruction even as biological notions of race gained ascendance. During the removal debates, Indian languages focused the attention of men of letters, statesmen, and the broader public. Peter S. Du Ponceau and Cass argued over the grammatical character of the "American languages," with the former praising them and the latter attacking those tongues and the "philanthropic" philology. At stake was the future of Indian affairs and inquirers explored Native languages for evidence of Indians' intellectual and moral capacity to be assimilated into U.S. society. In denying that language corresponded to social condition, Du Ponceau suggested that all Indians spoke according to a uniform, unchanging, and unique "plan of ideas." He and other participants in the debate, such as Wilhelm von Humboldt and Schoolcraft, began to define, linguistically, a distinct and fixed "Indian mind." Scholars of the early republic and antebellum era who wish to study scientific definitions of race must come to terms with linguistic ideas, which requires confronting the intercultural encounters, intellectual exchanges, and institutions through which they emerged.