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1.
The aim of the project is to ascertain whether, in connection with the exploitation of natural resources, any special ties existed between the boat grave people of Vendel in northern Uppland, Sweden, and the Anglo‐Saxons in Sutton Hoo in East Anglia, England, during the pre‐Viking period. The existence of cultural ties between these areas has been assumed in earlier research. The scientific methods used in palaeoenvironmental mapping of the study areas include detailed stratigraphical examination of both biogenic and minerogenic sediments in the basin of Lake Vendelsjön and in the valley of the river Deben. Different types of scientific analyses are applied in order to reconstruct the geological background and the environmental, vegetational and settlement histories of the two areas.  相似文献   

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主要从地下考古资料阐述了新石器时代东夷文化的有序性和承继性、先进性、影响性和辐射性等三大优势和特点,从而论证了东夷文化才是华夏文明孕育的真正母体、中华文明的主源头.  相似文献   

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A 2 × 2 m column was excavated within the large-scale excavation carried out by a Jugoslav team at tell Gomolava, Hrtkovci, Jugoslavia, occupied from Vinc?a (c. 5000 BC) to post-Roman times. The archaeological zonation of the column's material is briefly outlined to provide the background to the detailed palaeobotanical, palynological and malacological study. The results of this study are used to aid the reconstruction of the palaeoenvironment of the tell. They indicate that the earliest agrobotanical zone, in which most of the cultigens were already present, but which is characterized by a very low count of charred seeds, persists throughout the Vinc?a, Baden and most of the Kostolac layers of the tell. A marked increase in charred seeds, without the appearance of new species, occurs in the next zone (Bronze and Iron Age). In zone 3 (Iron Age and Roman), Triticum dicoccum, Triticum aestivum and Lens culinaris attain significant levels.An interesting correlation between an increase in shade-loving snail species (zone B) and increase in building activity in the same level needs to be verified by further similar studies. This level is approximately that of the end of the Vinc?a occupation, but does not precisely correlate with an archaeological transition, suggesting that new building styles may have ante-dated the full development of the Baden cultural group on the site. During the third malaco zone (zone C) most shade loving snail species decrease abruptly to make place for open country species. The spread of these species could have been caused by the partial or total abandonment of the tell. Aquatic snails, which had first appeared in the lowest habitation layers of the tell become rare towards the subsequent bronze and iron age occupation of the tell, indicating that hardly any riverine clay was used for the construction of houses within these periods. The final malaco zone, representing the disturbed iron, roman and medieval periods indicates that again open grassy slopes must have occurred on or around the tell.  相似文献   

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Although corporate groups have featured in the anthropological literature for a century, and have more recently been proposed as a potentially useful unit for archaeological analysis (L. Freeman, 1968, In Man the hunter, edited by R. Lee and I. De Vore, pp. 262–267. Aldine, Chicago), application of the concept in archaeology has largely remained hypothetical, and little theoretical modeling has been attempted. In spite of this neglect, it is argued here that the corporate group is potentially one of the most useful and important aspects of the archaeological record that can be dealt with. This conclusion is derived from a detailed ethnoar-chaeological analysis of over 150 households in the Maya Highlands, in which it became apparent that social, economic, and demographic characteristics of households were only loosely associated with a wide variety of material culture expressions. In contrast, such inferences seemed to be much more reliable when households were grouped into “hypothetical corporate groups” and group averages were compared. In addition, theoretical considerations based on economics and on interactions also indicate that the analysis of corporate groups shold be more rewarding and potentially more accurate than the analysis of individual households. Archaeologically, corporate groups can be defined where residential coherency and internal hierarchies are demonstrable. Because corporate groups can be viewed as signaling major changes in the structuring of society, and in the evolution of social and political complexity, the investigation of conditions under which corporate groups emerge should be of major theoretical significance to the entire discipline of archaeology. Moreover, because of the close logical links to material culture and the environment, theoretical modeling should be particularly amenable to archaeological testing. In sum, corporate groups provide an unusually fertile problem area which archaeologists can hope to attack with at least a promising degree of success.  相似文献   

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A graphics terminal displays the archaeological point data superimposed on the closed curve together with numerical information relating to the accuracy of fit. Human logic then shortcuts the otherwise extensive computer capacity necessary for initial refinement. The Powell minimization technique is then used to obtain the “best” fit.The underlying mathematics, an outline of the implementation and several examples are presented.  相似文献   

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This paper examines the particular nature of Icelandic capitalism as it emerged in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Drawing on a recent project investigating the material processes surrounding the rise and fall of an early capitalist venture in the fishing industry, the role of commodities and their intersection with issues of colonialism and nationalism is explored. The study centers on a village community established in 1907 on an island in the bay of Reykjavík, which saw two periods of boom and bust in its short life before the village was abandoned in 1943.  相似文献   

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Sex estimation of skeletal remains is one of the major components of forensic identification of unknown individuals. Teeth are a potential source of information on sex and are often recovered in archaeological or forensic contexts due to their post-mortem longevity. Currently, there is limited data on dental sexual dimorphism of archaeological populations from Iran. This paper represents the first study to provide a dental sex estimation method for Iron Age populations. The current study was conducted on the skeletal remains of 143 adults from two Iron Age populations in close temporal and geographic proximity in the Solduz Valley (West Azerbaijan Province of Iran). Mesiodistal and buccolingual cervical measurements of 1334 maxillary and mandibular teeth were used to investigate the degree of sexual dimorphism in permanent dentition and to assess their applicability in sex estimation. Data was analysed using discriminant function analysis (SPSS 23), and posterior probabilities were calculated for all produced formulae. The results showed that incisors and canines were the most sexually dimorphic teeth, providing percentages of correct sex classification between 86.4 and 100 % depending on the measurement used. The combination of canines and other teeth improved significantly the level of correct sex classification. The highest percentages of sex classification were obtained by the combination of canines and incisors (100 %) and canines and molars (92.3 %). The present study provided the first reference standards for sex estimation using odontometric data in an Iranian archaeological population. Cervical measurements were found to be of value for sex assessment, and the method presented here can be a useful tool for establishing accurate demographic data from skeletal remains of the Iron Age from Iran.  相似文献   

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The assessment of spatial patterns in archaeology is hampered by a number of constraints, one of the most serious of which is the intrinsic temporal uncertainty associated with most of the archaeological record. Different types of chronological definition or different degrees of temporal knowledge will suggest different kinds of spatial pattern, ultimately obscuring and restricting our interpretation of the background process, especially in cases where we are seeking a diachronic perspective. This paper addresses these problems by adopting both a probabilistic approach and a more standardised framework for diachronic analysis. First, we define the notion of temporal uncertainty and explore its analytical consequences. Second, we consider two methods by which it might be formally quantified, emphasising (a) the advantages of probability-weighted spatial analysis and (b) the comparison of alternative spatio-temporal patterns via Monte-Carlo simulation. Finally, we apply these methods to a case study that considers the distribution of Middle to Late Jomon (ca.5000–3000 BP) pithouses recorded in the Chiba New Town area of Japan.  相似文献   

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Sedentism is a commonly used concept in settlement pattern analysis. In a recent review of this concept Rafferty (1985) found “sedentary” to be related to both settlement permanence and site size. Both space and time are fundamental aspects of sedentism. While maintaining permanence as a central factor, this paper discusses further aspects of sedentism primarily in relation to the use and meaning of space. A case study based on archaeological and historical materials on Sami and Norwegian settlements in arctic Norway is used as an illustration. In arctic Norway prehistoric maritime settlements have often been interpreted as being either transhumant or sedentary. The prehistoric case of sedentism is then viewed in relation to the historically known differences in settlement permanence in space and time for Norwegian and Sami populations in the same area of arctic Norway. It is proposed that models of sedentism should not only be based on ecological, economic, and adaptational considerations but should also include the importance of the meaning of place in the relationship between human populations and landscape.  相似文献   

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In recent years intensive archaeological research on the Viking Age in Iceland has produced much new evidence supporting a late 9th century colonization of the country. It can now be stated not only that people had arrived in Iceland before AD 870 but also that comprehensive occupation only took place after that date. The increased temporal resolution of the new archaeological data not only allows the characterization of different phases of the colonization but also supports assessments of the scale and rate of the immigration. In this paper we report the results of fieldwork in Mývatnssveit, NE-Iceland, where more than 30 sites have been investigated, ranging from small test trenches to large-scale open area excavations. We argue, based on the Mývatnssveit data, that a minimum of 24,000 people must have been transported to Iceland in less than 20 years to account for the dates and density of the Mývatn sites. In the absence, so far, of comparable data from other parts of the country these conclusions must remain hypothetical but if supported by further work they will have significant implications for our understanding of first peopling of Holocene farming populations in general and of Viking Age migrations in particular.  相似文献   

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The child's world has been left out of archaeological research. The subject's main contribution is in the field of social history. Special attention is given to cultural transference. A definition of the child's world together with methodological, historical, and ethno‐cultural aspects is presented. A review is given of Scandinavian research history on the subject. Classification and problems in distinguishing children in the material record are discussed. Archaeology's main obstacle is in its restricted knowledge of the ancient adult world. The study of human osteological material and tests on lithic material is looked upon as promising.  相似文献   

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One-hundred-and-sixty-two pieces of obsidian have been found at 50 archaeological localities in southern France. The distribution is concentrated in the Rhône Valley, but includes sites in Drôme and in southwest France. The obsidian is mainly from sites of the Chassey culture (4th and 3rd millennium Neolithic), but there is one Impressed Ware site (Early Neolithic) and four Copper Age sites with obsidian. Only a small proportion of the obsidian (31 pieces) consists of waste pieces, providing little evidence for on-site working. 10 pieces of obsidian were analysed by instrumental neutron activation analysis to determine their geological provenance. Seven pieces proved to be from the Sardinian SA source, one from Lipari, and two from Pantelleria. Chronologically there is some division between sources used: all three pieces of Liparian obsidian so far identified from southern France, in this work and by earlier researchers, belong to Early Chassey contexts, and the two Pantellerian pieces are from a Copper Age dolmen. Sardinian and Liparian obsidian probably reached France by way of northern Italy. where both types were in use in contemporary cultures. The two Pantellerian pieces are evidence of some type of contact between France and the southern Mediterranean in the Copper Age, despite earlier suggestions of a very restricted distribution for the Pantellerian source. Obsidian was probably imported to southern France with other goods since the small amounts used would not warrant a separate trading network for obsidian alone.  相似文献   

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《Public Archaeology》2013,12(2):95-100
Abstract

The 1998 exhibition London Bodies at the Museum of London provided an opportunity to review the ethical issues relating to the excavation, study and display of human remains in modern Britain. It is suggested that for most Britons the display of human skeletal material is not considered a problem, but that archaeologists would do well to ensure that their practices are in line with the views and beliefs of the society in which they work.  相似文献   

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Acheulean faunal samples from southern Africa usually contain taxa which are unknown in Upper Pleistocene or Holocene contexts and which suggest that the associated artifacts date mainly from the Middle Pleistocene or possibly the late Lower Pleistocene, between perhaps 1,000,000 and 130,000 years ago. Together with sedimentological evidence, the faunas also indicate that the associated Acheulean people enjoyed unusually moist conditions. There is in fact no evidence for Acheulean presence under conditions as dry as, or drier than, historic ones. The available faunas come mainly from open-air contexts where natural deaths, carnivore killing and scavenging, and possible human hunting and butchering are scrambled, and no direct inferences can be drawn about Acheulean hunting ability. However, if it is fair to extrapolate backwards from their better-documented Middle Stone Age successors, Acheulean people probably rarely, if ever, killed the large ungulates that are so common in their sites.
Résumé Parmi les ensembles de la faune acheuléenne provenant de l'Afrique du sud se trouvent souvent des taxa qui sont inconnus dans les gisements de l'âge holocène ou du pleistocène supérieur. Cette observation nous amène à suggérer que les outils associés avec cette faune datent principalement du Pleistocène moyen ou peut-être même du Pleistocène inférieur tardif, dans la période, 1,000,000 à 130,000 BP environ. Ces faunes, considérées conjointement avec les témoignages sédimentologiques, montrent que ces gens acheuléens ont profités d'un climat anormalement humide. A vrai dire, il n'y a aucune preuve d'une occupation acheuléenne dans des conditions aussi sèches ou plus sèches que celles de l'époque historique. La plupart des faunes dont on dispose aujourd'hui proviennent des gisements de plein-air ou les évidences de la mortalité naturelle, les restes de la proie des carnassiers, et par l'homme sont mélangées, et nous ne sommes pas permis d'en déduire des conclusions au sujet de la compétence des populations acheuléennes au niveau de la chasse. Si cependant on peut extrapoler en arrière de leurs successeurs mieux connus de l'âge de la pierre moyen, il est vraisemblable que les hommes acheuléens n'ont jamais, ou presque jamais, tués les grands ongulés dont les restes sont si nombreux dans leur sites.
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The identification of charcoal fragments dating to circa 1900 BC indicates that fuel wood was predominantly date ( Phoenix dactylifera ) supplemented by small native shrubs and a member of the Rhizophoreae (mangroves unlikely to have been growing in the region and possibly representing an imported timber). A narrower range of species was used compared to other sites excavated in adjacent regions in the Arabian Gulf. Other woody species (including Zygophyllum qatarense and sidr ( Ziziphus )) that are common nowadays in Bahrain do not appear to have been used.  相似文献   

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