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1.
Land is intertwined with politics: both as a sine qua non for the territorial state, as well as a spatially limited natural resource through which geopolitical power and advantage are articulated and enacted. This remains the case, notwithstanding the emergence of global and planetary frameworks for land management towards collective environmental and developmental goals. Indeed, such frameworks contend with narratives and practices that not only treat land as a strategic national resource, but entangle it with the very ontology of statehood itself. This study examines such state-natures through the case of Russian agricultural land use. Analyzing governmental discourse from 2000 to 2020, it examines how in the extensive cultivation of agricultural land has come to be a hallmark of twenty-first century vertical and horizontal symbolic state-making: both as an instrumental means of enhancing the state's geopolitical power, as well as a means by which state is reified as environmentally sovereign and self-subsistent. So doing, the study complements a growing body of work in critical environmental geopolitics that has tended to eschew state-based analysis, or else leave the state underproblematized. As I argue, considering how the state is made natural, in turn helps to understand how nature is politically if not ontologically entangled in geopolitical thought and practice—in ways that attempts to act upon and indeed bring about wider-scale environmental subjects must contend. 相似文献
2.
Wiebe E. Bijker 《History & Technology》2013,29(4):371-391
This article makes, first, a general argument for ‘sustainable policies.’ This argument will build on the observation that modern societies, of all political guise, find it difficult to cope with the challenges and opportunities posed by science and technology. Classical models of democracy do not seem to be sufficiently equipped to guide the political process in our highly developed societies. Second, this paper will discuss constructivist views on the development of technology in relation to society, and explore possible implications for democratization of technological culture. And finally, the article will present a particular case of experimentation with one alternative form of democracy. This experimental addendum to the existing political repertoires in the Netherlands was a public debate about the issue of ‘nature development’ or ‘nature construction’—the making of new nature, for example by giving back some of the Dutch land to the water of the rivers Rhein and Maas. 相似文献
3.
AbstractIn the 25 years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, sweeping political, economic, and social changes have profoundly influenced environmental protection in Russia, the world’s largest country and one of global importance with respect to natural resources, biodiversity conservation, wilderness preservation, and climate change mitigation. This paper reviews the state of the environment by assessing post-Soviet era changes to legislation, government regulatory institutions, and civil society. A gulf exists between Russia’s formal environmental laws and state agency capacity and interest in enforcing them. This stems, in part, from repeated bureaucratic reorganizations that have progressively eroded environmental institutions. The Russian environmental movement, which blossomed during Gorbachev’s reforms in the late 1980s, struggled in the 1990s to mobilize the broader public due to economic hardship and political instability. Since then, the Putin administration has labeled many environmental groups “anti-Russian” and used aggressive tactics such as raiding NGO offices, intimidating journalists, and instituting severe legislative measures to quash advocacy and dissent. Post-Soviet environmental successes have been relatively few, with expansion of the protected area system and forest certification notable exceptions. These successes can partially be attributed to efforts by large environmental organizations, but expansion of certification and corporate social responsibility is also tied to Russian business interests dependent on natural resource export to global markets increasingly sensitive to environmental concerns. The paper concludes by illustrating how corruption, poor enforcement, and the muzzling of civil society render the state incapable of resolving arguably its most significant environmental challenge: illegal and unregulated resource use. 相似文献
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毛泽东建党学说和建党理论,是马克思主义建党理论与中国实践和中国传统文化相结合的产物。毛泽东建党思想所折射出的建党精神,体现了中华民族生生不息与长盛不衰的民族精神。研究毛泽东建党精神与中华民族精神的关联,对于加强现阶段党的建设以及弘扬伟大的民族精神具有重要的现实意义。 相似文献
6.
自由主义首先是一种政治思潮,其次是一种社会政治运动,再次是某种政治制度和管理原则的总和。自由主义是古代西欧明的创造,于近代形成为体系,并蔓延到东欧国家。俄国自由主义大体上是从外部引进的,并在发展过程中出现了许多的类型和派别,其中最重要的是立宪主义。俄国自由主义在实质方面与西方自由主义相同,但它的形成与发展过程困难重重,缺少相应的社会环境。俄国自由派脱离人民,成为一种“少数人的运动”,并且由于诸多原因最终走向失败。 相似文献
7.
Hartley Banack 《Children's Geographies》2020,18(1):58-68
ABSTRACTThis paper explores the emergence of early childhood education outdoor programs in British Columbia, Canada. The story told follows paths not dissimilar from how one might observe children on a walk to the park. While the park is the destination, it is the journey to the park, of picking up pebbles, looking at flowers, and finding sticks, that enlivens and binds the journey. Through our consideration of stories from a number of outdoor programs, we weave patterns that join their emergence and consider how their stories might sustain and encourage educational action. 相似文献
8.
潘晓伟 《中国边疆史地研究》2020,(1):177-188,217
19世纪80年代,清朝在对朝鲜政策上经历了从“防俄”到“联俄”的转变。“防俄”作为清朝对朝政策的首要目标持续至19世纪80年代中期。明治维新后,日本很快走上对外扩张道路,朝鲜首当其冲,武力打开朝鲜国门、积极参与甲申政变等行为让清朝切实感受到日本对中朝藩属关系的威胁,开始视日本为最大对手,清朝的对朝政策由“防俄”转为“联俄”。 相似文献
9.
《War & society》2013,32(3):209-229
AbstractThis paper examines the experience in the First World War of Uppingham School, then a middle-ranking public school, and its old boys, in comparison to prevailing scholarly orthodoxy. This holds that a public school education inspired attitudes of leadership and sacrifice and also provided elementary military knowledge, which made public schoolboys an important source of British Army junior officers in the war. Drawing on primary sources including the school’s own records the author concludes that there is little in the attitudes and experience of the old boys to support this orthodoxy and that a more nuanced approach is required. 相似文献
10.
俄罗斯的亚太战略与政策探析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
俄罗斯作为苏联解体后的当然继承国,成为当今世界政治经济格局多极化发展趋势中重要的一极。目前俄罗斯承袭了苏联后期的亚太战略,并在某种程度上使其有所发展。本文在分析苏联后期实施亚太战略与政策的基础上,着重探讨了俄罗斯目前实施亚太政治经济战略的新东方政策与措施,并对其远东同亚太各国的经济联系的近期态势进行了实证分析;论述了中俄关系对实施其亚太战略的重要性;指出中俄建立面向21世纪的战略协作伙伴关系完全符合两国各自的地缘经济利益。 相似文献
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政治化倾向明显、激励约束机制不健全等问题长期困扰着我国职业企业家队伍建设。因此,必须加快企业家产权制度改革,优化市场评价机制,建立和完善企业家市场,不断优化职业企业家成长环境。 相似文献
12.
俄罗斯华侨历史概述 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
从19世纪中期开始, 华侨问题就引起了俄罗斯政府和学者的注意。俄罗斯华侨见证并参与了远东地区的开发和十月革命, 而后又经历了国内战争、新经济政策、工业化、农业集体化、卫国战争等剧烈的社会动荡和变革。无数华侨为苏维埃政权的诞生、苏联社会主义建设以及抗击德国法西斯入侵奉献了自己的力量和生命。与此同时, 复杂多变的俄(苏) 中两国关系以及远东地区政治和军事局势对俄罗斯华侨的命运产生了种种不利影响。本文分1917年二月革命和十月革命之前、革命和国内战争期间以及苏联时期三个时期, 对19 世纪中期至20 世纪中期的俄罗斯华侨历史进行考察,以加强两国学者对俄罗斯华侨问题的了解和交流。 相似文献
13.
张凤鸣 《中国边疆史地研究》2003,13(1):65-75
黑龙江地区与沙俄的贸易关系,既是中俄关系史的一个重要组成部分,又是黑龙江地方史的一项重要内容。作将双方贸易关系的历史分为五个时期,依次探讨了各个时期贸易的性质、方式、规模、特点及对双方社会经济发展的影响。指出近代以来双方的贸易关系虽然是在不平等基础之上建立的,但却极大地促进了俄国远东地区的经济发展,同时对黑龙江地区的经济发展也起了一定的促进作用。 相似文献
14.
英俄私分帕米尔与清政府的立场 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
朱新光 《中国边疆史地研究》2000,(1)
本文以19世纪末的中亚为背景,运用新近刊布的国内外档案、文书等第一手资料,详尽论述了清末英俄以强凌弱,私分帕米尔,瓜分中国领土的经过,并对清政府为捍卫国土主权,与英俄据理力争的严正立场予以新的阐释,以深入理解该时期英俄争夺中亚势力范围的真实目的和清政府的领土主权意识,对稳定新疆局势,维护祖统一有一定的现实意义。 相似文献
15.
为了恢复与发展同新疆地区的贸易,为了与英国争夺在新疆的利益,俄国与阿古柏政权积极发展非法关系。沙俄利用阿古柏政权,通过各种手段,谋取到了在新疆的很多侵略权益。《俄阿条约》的签订表明俄国与阿古柏政权之间的相互勾结、利用达到了高潮。俄国与后期阿古柏政权的关系较为冷却疏远。俄国和英国围绕阿古柏政权也展开了一系列角逐。 相似文献
16.
从明代士大夫的讲学和结社活动,特别容易看出明代有别于之前和之后朝代的独有的士大夫精神面貌。明代士风意气昂扬,讲学结社活动盛况空前、后无所及,是明代的一个突出特点,以此可以更好地展开关于明代、特别是明中叶以后士风的讨论。 相似文献
17.
《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(4):495-506
An American geographer evaluates the process of water resources planning and management in the city of St. Petersburg, Russia, based on regional government documents, interviews with local water management officials, and follow-up field observations in 2007. St. Petersburg is a microcosm for challenges to assessing and managing water resources in urban environments in transition economies more broadly, and thus the present study yields insights into obstacles confronting water planners in many large cities in the post-Soviet realm, and augments the body of empirical data on the impacts of economic transition on environmental management. 3 figures, 46 references. 相似文献
18.
Hye-Won Hwang 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2018,24(4):504-519
This article focuses on the public movement education practices of a group of middle-class, Korean dance instructors at the Korea Laban Movement Institute (KLMI), a recently established civil institution in Seoul, South Korea. The KLMI classes promote self-directed and well-rounded Korean bodies through student-centered and egalitarian movement instruction. In recent years, these classes received public funds from the culture and arts foundations supported by the state’s cultural policies, as well as attention from Korean public media. This research introduces the public movement education practices that have aligned well with the state’s early twenty-first century cultural policies by making culture and arts education more accessible to the average Korean. In addition, the study shows the broader impact of KLMI’s public movement education practices, which have merged into the political and social landscapes of contemporary South Korea. 相似文献
19.
Iver B. Neumann 《Nations & Nationalism》2018,24(2):348-368
Using Slavic examples, the article looks at the nationalism/security nexus present today between the birth of ethnicities (early middle ages) and the birth of nationalism (eighteenth century). I discuss how Slavic ethnicity emerged in Greek and Roman security thinking. Others were classified in terms of ethnoi and were then interpellated into this self‐understanding. If ethnicity is an identity for the Other, then nationalism is an identity for the Self. It becomes a security concern not to order the Other polity's identity, as did the Byzantines, but to see to it that groups that may threaten your own nationalism – minorities, imperial subjects – cannot embrace nationalism. The policy of denying nationhood to minorities must be understood amongst other things as security policy. The organic understanding of the nation as young and vital demonstrates a third interstice between security and nationalism. If the young and vital nation is to grow and expand at the expense of the old and tired, then the polity that represents itself as a young and vital nation is by dint of that representation alone a security threat against those that they represent as old and tired. Finally, I discuss how this theme is played out in today's Russia 相似文献
20.
David W. Anthony 《Journal of Archaeological Research》1995,3(3):177-204
The current political and economic situation in Russia and Ukraine poses grave dangers for the archaeological and museum professionals who guard these nations' legacies. At the moment that political barriers to Western collaboration were removed, new problems have crippled the post-Soviet archaeological community. Concurrently, Westerners tend to misunderstand Soviet and post-Soviet archaeological theory, forgetting that techniques such as lithic microwear and taphonomic analysis were introduced by Soviet scholars. New discoveries are described in three general categories: the origins of food-producing economies in western Russia and Ukraine, the evolution of surprisingly large towns in Copper Age Ukraine, and the origins of pastoralism in the Russian and Ukrainian steppes. 相似文献