Conflicts Over the Repatriation of Sami Cultural Heritage in Sweden

Abstract

More than 400 years of colonization and assimilation policy by the Nordic states has created a new situation for Sami culture. Over this long period the Sami heritage has become thoroughly marginalized, but today the more overt conflicts that we find elsewhere in the world between colonizing states and indigenous peoples have diminished. Such conflicts are, perhaps, more characteristic of an earlier stage of the colonial frontier, and they have been replaced by post-colonial forms of consensus. Despite the shared experiences of the Sami in their recent history, some important differences have emerged between Nordic states in how the Sami heritage is perceived and how it is managed. Much more than in Norway, the dominant attitudes of the Swedish state continue to echo the discriminatory attitudes of the past, but in a more restrained way. This continuity of attitudes is demonstrated here using examples of current policies and practices. Particularly in Sweden, there are continuing conflicts between nationalism and the Sami world view, but I argue that these old conflicts are no longer the main problem in Scandinavia. Instead, scholars, Sami leaders, and others concerned with heritage in the north are finding common cause in opposing what we might call the ‘wilderness assumptions’ of policy makers in the south, especially within the neo-liberal Swedish state. These assumptions have been reinforced by the restructuring of state finances, and they are now leading towards neglect of northern cultural heritage and its associated institutions, particularly museums. These assertions are supported using examples from various museums and through case studies of the repatriation of Sami cultural objects such as drums and siejdde-stones, and the continuing problems with Sami skeletal remains.     

Regional culture in post-war Friuli: Literature in dialect,nationalism and friulanita ¤

The unprecedented increase in literary production in Friuli in the post-war period has coincided with the rise of popular ethno-nationalism in the region. Although there is an evident connection between the political, social and cultural fields in Friuli, this relationship is both complex and full of potential conflicts. This paper provides a brief overview of Friulian regionalism, before considering the specific role assigned to literature in Friulian by proponents of regional autonomy. It examines the problematic nature of the dominant ideology of friulanità and discusses the responses of a number of authors to the prevailing themes of cultural discourse in the region. In conclusion, it examines the ideological conflicts caused by modernisation in the region, and considers the impact that the transformation of the region has had on the literary debate, concentrating on the difficulties caused by Friulian linguistic purism.     

THE CRISIS OF CULTURE AND THE CULTURE OF CRISIS

“Crisis” in cultural policy is a widespread phenomenon, whose meaning can be exemplified in case of opera. The Berlin, Paris and London opera houses hit a crisis at the end of the twentieth century. At the core of these crises and the discussions surrounding them were funding problems – which were also a point of academic interest. But beyond that, opera seemed to be an arena of discourse where creeping conflicts in the political system and society were debated as fundamental crises of a most cherished cultural heritage. This paper examines how, in these cases, “crisis” proves to be a cultural phenomenon in itself, displaying a symbolic and functional character rather than being defined by references to specific matters and qualities.     

Development and Discourse among the Maya of Southern Belize

This article explores the discourse of development in southern Belize, and the appropriateness of post‐development ideas to understand its effects. It investigates a prevailing notion in development texts from the region that population pressure represents an environmental threat, an odd image for a country with so few inhabitants and so many trees. It also examines the consequences of apparent attempts by the government to employ development projects to defuse local contention over plans to privatize Maya land tenure. While post‐developmentalists have opened up fruitful avenues of analysis this study suggests that some of their conclusions are overstated. In particular, it questions the de‐politicizing effect of development discourse, and the notion of grassroots movements searching for alternatives to development, amounting to a ‘rejection of the entire paradigm’.     

Gender,Power, and the Denial Of Intimacy in Chinese Studies and Beyond

This article identifies and critically examines four recurring concerns in writings on Chinese gender and sexuality: (1) Emphasis on extreme cases of women's suffering to produce a more dramatic effect. (2) Focus only one gender's perspective and disregard of the role of social class. (3) De-emphasis on men's place within the subjective domain and overlooking how emotional bonds unite couples. (4) Depiction of the erotic as simply the manifestation of prevailing sexual ideology, which encourages viewing male/female interaction as an exercise in power and dominance, and discourages interpretation of the erotic as an aesthetic experience.     

Language Policy and Identity Conflict in Sudan

The Sudan, as it stands today, has clearly and definitely failed to form a united country. It has been involved in an internecine civil war. The war has not merely been a war of resistance against economic marginalization of the south, but one of racial or ethnic resistance to the dominant discourse in the north which lays claim to being racially and culturally superior. The violent political conflict that led to the secession of southern Sudan and the ongoing conflicts in some parts of the Sudan are legacies of the past. These legacies cannot be understood unless the tensions are placed in historical, political, and educational perspectives. This article attempts to describe Sudanese language policy and show its complexity, arbitrariness, and fluctuation. It aims to engage with issues of hegemony, language ideology, identity conflict, power asymmetries, and social inequality in language policy in the Sudan. The Arabic language has acquired dominant status while other languages have been marginalized in the process. This article also considers the historical diffusion of Arab identity and analyzes the relevance of the latter for civil conflicts and the cessation of the South. Finally, it closes with a discussion of the present day situation in Sudan and provides some critical reflections.     

Sami subsistence activities—spatial aspects and Structuration

In the social sciences, spatial aspects of reality have been rediscovered. I will use certain concepts to describe and clarify the spatial organization of Sami subsistence activities. In this paper, ptarmigan trapping is taken as an example of “situated activities” which, according to Anthony Giddens, characterizes social systems. The siida as old hunting territory is also discussed. I will show that the Sami notions of place are not fixed in temporal and spatial terms. Moreover, I want to emphasize the dynamics of Sami subsistence activities. My claim is that they act as re/producers of Sami traditional ways. These traditions are undermined by the overall mission of the state and its agents of power. Still, the perdurability of the Sami subsistence hunters and their activities help to maintain and develop the old Sami ways in terms of spatiality and social organization.     

Nation‐building through discourse theory

Abstract. The article sets out to demonstrate the value of discourse theory for studying nationalism as an ideology. It looks at the debate surrounding the concept of discourse and its manifold meanings before examining Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, with particular reference to the concept of hegemony and the influence of Gramsci on their work. This leads to a discussion of the relevance of discourse theory to a study of nationalist ideology, especially the antagonistic dynamic between nation‐state and minority nationalisms. Not only does discourse theory serve to embed the omnipresence of ideology within a useful hierarchy of mega and micro discourse, but it also provides a conceptual toolbox for analysing nationalist ideology at the empirical level.     

Sami Fisheries in the Pre-modern Era: Household Sustenance and Market Relations

Abstract

This article tries to assess the importance of fisheries within the traditional Sami household economy, where market orientation and participation in commercial fishing activities directed at selling stockfish to external partners formed an integral, strategic factor. After an introductory overview of the traditional fishing methods of the Sami, their most common types of fishing gear and the most preferred species, the article focuses on the sources that might highlight Sami fisheries from the Middle Ages and on through Early Modern times. Accounts and tax registers from the late sixteenth century show that the groups of coastal and inland Sami displayed highly different trading profiles. The coastal Sami were heavily dependent on institutionalized forms of trade, not only connected to the Hanseatic trade network with its regional centre in Bergen, but also to other merchant groups, in a way that made them able to take advantage of competition among the merchants. However, in comparison with their Norwegian cohabitants, the Sami showed a greater adaptability and capability of switching between various resource niches, and were not so fundamentally dependent on provisions from outside as the Norwegians.     

Research on and by ‘the Other’. Focusing on the Researcher's Encounter with the Lule Sami in a Historically Changing Context

Abstract

A century and half ago, the encounter between the researcher and those (s)he researched were described and seen from the vantage point of the researcher. ‘The others’ participated in the encounters, but were seldom asked for advice regarding the approach or to provide their own perspectives. But this has changed. Originally playing the passive role of the objects of research, today the Sami and Kven of northern Norway have taken on the role of the active participant. These changes are apparent when examining research on the Lule Sami in Norway over the last 150 years. Several dimensions must be considered. First, the researcher and their research must be placed and understood within the contemporary ideological context, implying that the situation of the researcher will reflect the social and political conditions of the time. Analysis of research from the Lule Sami area demonstrates how the researcher's perspective on the Sami people and culture has changed over time, how the Sami role in history, and thus cultural diversity, has been revealed in greater detail, and how the Sami part of the population has increasingly participated by taking on the role of the researcher. Finally, the encounter is analysed in an international context, which shows how the local and national changes are also part of an international development.     

When the rule of law met rule by the party: the conflicts between Baptist schools and the local Guomindang in Republican Suzhou

ABSTRACT

This study examines the relationship between the Guomindang (GMD) and the courts by focusing on the 1929 conflicts between the Suzhou Baptist schools and the local GMD party apparatus. The GMD regime supported the principle of rule by the party. At the local level, the GMD’s rise was often stymied by the independent judiciary whose judgments were based on the principle of the rule of law. The local party might not have been able to control the local court in the early years of the GMD regime, but it did steadily alter state-society relationships, as it could benefit from the local court’s commitment to the rule of law. For instance, the district court in Suzhou actively defended the principle of rule by the party in conflicts between Baptist schools and the local party because the GMD had made that principle the law of the land.     

Sami Rights and Sami Challenges

In this article the authors analyse the conflict in contemporary Sami politics in Sweden. To understand this conflict a historical perspective is necessary, and the authors reconstruct the ideas and beliefs in the public debate that has legitimized a system of Sami rights over more than a century, and analyze the challenges to these by the Sami movement. Two parallel themes are discussed: the first deals with the continuity and change of the Swedish Sami policy, where the authors show how ideas and beliefs concerning the Sami have limited the possibilities of political action. The second theme focuses on the political mobilization of the Sami in Sweden and their challenges of the established view of the Sami in official policy. One of the conclusions made is that it is of importance to grant indigenous peoples, like the Sami, some kind of secure political platform from which they could participate in the democratic procedure and legitimately counter‐act the power of the nation states in which they live.     

Congress and War Powers: Symbolism and Nondecisions in the Struggle for Influence

This article focuses on war powers issues during the Clinton presidency to test the theory of nondecision-making as developed by Bachrach and Baratz (1970) and Lukes (1974). The first section clarifies key theoretical concepts (mobilization of bias and barrier I and barrier II nondecisions) and argues that war powers issues constitute “key issues” in Bachrach and Baratz's terms, thus permitting the formulation of falsifiable nondecision hypotheses. The second section presents four in-depth case studies of troop deployment conflicts from the Clinton administration: Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo. The third section analyzes the evidence from the four Clinton era cases, revealing a preponderance of nondecisions and essentially symbolic nonbinding resolutions (Edelman 1967; Hinckley 1994). The third section also identifies four mechanisms for deflecting challenges to the prevailing distribution of power (Bachrach and Baratz 1970, 44–48) and shows how all four were employed to deflect challenges to presidential primacy in the various Clinton cases. Following Oppenheimer (1974), the concluding section will offer an expanded vocabulary for classifying various forms of nondecision-making.     

晚明卫所与州县关系探研——以泗州卫月粮为线索

晚明卫所月粮的普遍短缺不仅损害了军士的利益,也影响了卫所与州县的关系。在多方面因素的影响下,晚明泗州卫月粮久缺,并与泗州地方政府产生了诸多冲突。有别于传统的晚明卫所、军户地位低下的认识,在与泗州各类冲突中,泗州卫占有明显优势,呈现出军强民弱的状态,打破了卫所与州县间旧有的平衡。针对出现的问题,朝廷与泗州曾试图整改,但均未能奏效。这种与传统认识不同的军、民关系状态并非泗州卫独有,凤阳也存在类似的情形。     

Rabin’s road: The politics of toponymic commemoration of Yitzhak Rabin in Israel

Embedded into the language of the landscape and integrated into the routines of everyday life, toponymic commemorations belong to the political geography of public memory. The impact of Yitzhak Rabin’s assassination on Israeli society and culture was made apparent in a space-time matrix of public commemorations, which introduced remembrance of the slain Prime Minister into the public sphere. This article focuses on the politics of Rabin’s toponymic commemoration, evinced in decision-making procedures at local and national levels of government in various stages of the commemoration project. It expands on toponymic commemoration as a measure of conciliation for a politically divided nation and as an arena where political struggles between Left and Right were waged. The article further elaborates on public criticism of the commemoration project, which was mainly directed against what seemed excessive commemoration and inappropriate naming practices. Focused on the extraordinary circumstances of the political assassination of a head of government, this paper offers insights into how toponymic commemoration in a politically divided society unfolds between a demonstration of national consensus and expression of political conflict. It also directs attention to the question of appropriateness of commemorative naming practices in a democratic society.     

Gender and globalization. A century in retrospect

In the past, power structures of the nation-State have been organized around patriarchal assumptions, granting men monopoly over power, authority, and wealth. A number of structures have been erected to achieve this imbalance, which have disguised its inequity by making it appear as natural and universal. However, with globalization, this centralization of power within the Sovereign State has been fragmented. Although globalization opens up new spaces by weakening the nation-State, subsequently making possible the undermining of traditional gender hierarchies and devising new bases for gender relations, the reality that the State is no longer the sole institution that can define identity and belonging within it has denied women the space to assert their own claims to gendered self-determination. In this regard, globalization has impacted upon gender relations in complex and contradictory ways. This paper discusses such impacts of globalization on gender relations. Overall, it has become apparent that forms of inequality still exist regardless of a State's prevailing political ideology. Their manifestations may differ, but the reality of women's subordination remains constant.     

The Caliphate,and the Changing Strategy of the Public Statements of al-Qaeda's Leaders

Abstract

According to the American President George Bush's administration, the establishment of a global Caliphate is a key al-Qaeda goal. This article focuses primarily on the statements of Ayman az-Zawahiri and Osama bin Laden, with their public words traced throughout the last three decades, from Egypt to Afghanistan, to Sudan, back to Afghanistan and through the various conflicts that have happened since they have been on the run post 9/11. By highlighting the changing strategy of their discourse according to the events around them and internationally, it is shown that far from being a critical part of al-Qaeda ideology as some would have the public believe, the Caliphate plays a minor role in their objectives and rhetoric, used primarily as a motivational and instrumental tool in uniting the ummah in its efforts to expel foreign forces from what it considers to be occupied lands.     

Dietrich Bonhoeffer's Repudiation of Protestant German War Theology

Dietrich Bonhoeffer was a revolutionary in two senses. Obviously, his role in the conspiracy to overthrow Hitler, when it was discovered, stamped him as a political revolutionary. Beyond that, however, Bonhoeffer was a theological revolutionary in that he repudiated and refuted the prevailing Lutheran‐Hegelian‐Rankean Geschichtsbild, i.e., image of German history, that had become paradigmatic for his class, the so‐called Bildungsbürgertum, the highly educated upper middle class. Central to this image was the idea of the Creator God as essentially a “warrior” God who realized the history of salvation via the power struggles of nation states. Bonhoeffer, in his confrontation with the Third Reich, came to the conclusion that its evil triumph had a great deal to do with the image of history that underpinned it. This article traces the evolution of the doctrine of the Power State rooted as it was in Luther's doctrine of the two kingdoms or realms, and shows how Bonhoeffer via his reflections expressed in the fragments known as Ethics, overturned that doctrine and thereby wrought an intellectual‐historical achievement of immense significance not only for Germany, but also for the modern world.     

Interrogating the uses of culture in the politics of diversity: a case from South Korea

This article seeks to critically examine the ascendancy of culture in the arena of politics by analysing emergent multicultural discourses and policy development in South Korea as an illuminating case study. In exploring various discursive modalities of culture in the politics of diversity, it investigates how culture is identified as a source of social problems and concurrently employed as their solution. Combining discourse analytic and in-depth interviewing techniques, the article focuses on analysing how female marriage migrants and their children are constructed as cultural other, and how the language of culture is deployed to divert attention from issues of power and structural inequalities. In particular, it examines the discourse of ‘cultural deficiency’ and ‘cultural competence’ used in relation to migrants, and assesses the proposed conceptual shift in cultural policy development from multiculture to cultural diversity.