清末地方自治新论

地方自治最早产生于西欧，是英国资产阶级革命初期资产阶级为反对封建专制而提出的一种与中央集权政治相对立的地方分权思想与制度。这一政治主张在中国最早由黄遵宪在戊戌变法时期提出，但由于变法的迅速破产，未能引起人们的共鸣。清廷推行“新政”和“预备立宪”以后，在资产阶级立宪派的极力主张下，加之清政府出于维护自身利益的考虑，地方自治成了清廷仿行宪政的重要措施，并在开展的过程中出现了地方官府直接督导、资产阶级立宪派参与和资产阶级立宪派自发倡办、地方官府认可两种类型。清末地方自治的明显特征是内容上的完整性和实施上的冒进性。     

日韩合并与清末宪政改革

日韩合并是近代东亚历史上的重大事件,中国朝野反应强烈。中国人民在同情韩国的灭亡与谴责日本殖民侵略行径的同时,更多的是进行自身的反省以及对中国内政改革的诉求。无论是立宪派,还是清政府官员,乃至于一般民间舆论,大都注目于立宪。由于日韩合并加重了中国民族危机,在各种宪政势力的压力之下,清廷也被迫调整了宪政改革的策略,缩短了预备立宪的期限,在一定程度上加速了宪政改革的进程,但并没有取得挽救清王朝命运的实在效用。     

冤哉，秋瑾女士——析时论对秋瑾案的评说

1907年的皖浙案震动全国,上海各报连续多日追踪报导,猛烈抨击地方政府和涉案官员,显示了民间舆论"天下己任"的责任感与使命感.与今日高扬秋瑾"革命女杰"、"反清志士"迥然不同的是,当时凡涉及秋瑾与浙案的新闻、论说,皆强调弱女子不会参加革命,这是官方株连无辜的冤案.其中原因既有清政府权威丧失,也与延续千年仍是当时社会主流意识的性别与社会角色观念有关.     

十葬秋瑾

1907年7月15日,秋瑾在浙江山阴县轩亭口被当街斩首,几日后此事在江浙一带掀起轩然大波。那时报业已经颇为发达,新闻自由程度也比较高,上海《申报》日销早在万份之上,各报纷纷报道此事,引起人们关注主要因为清朝妇女判死刑,最重是绞刑,杀头很少见。这样一种当街斩首的血腥杀害女性的方式,在大范围内激起了公愤。另外,秋瑾牵涉徐锡麟刺杀恩铭一案,她是在大通学堂被捕,是知识女性,虽然身上带有枪支,     

十葬秋瑾

1907年7月15日,秋瑾在浙江山阴县轩亭口被当街斩首,几日后此事在江浙一带掀起轩然大波。那时报业已经颇为发达,新闻自由程度也比较高,上海《申报》日销早在万份之上,各报纷纷报道此事,引起人们关注主要因为清朝妇女判死刑,最重是绞刑,杀头很少见。这样一种当街斩首的血腥杀害女性的方式,在大范围内激起了公愤。另外,秋瑾牵涉徐锡麟刺杀恩铭一案,她是在大通学堂被捕,是知识女性,虽然身上带有枪支,     

论20世纪初的中美联盟风潮

20世纪初的中美联盟风潮中,在清末舆论界,无论是革命派、立宪派还是清廷控制的报纸,多有主张。倡导与美国结盟的清末朝野人士大致可分为如下几类:驻外公使、东北官员、其他官员、立宪派分子、革命派分子等,朝野上下合奏出了一曲结盟美国的强音。尽管主张中美联盟的呼声很高,仍然有反对的声音,代表人物是章太炎和梁启超。与清末舆论界大力鼓吹中美联盟相似,美国也多有赞成结盟的倾向。日本国内舆论有相当强的反对之声,其政府在外交方面也有应对,主要体现在促动主张中美联盟的我国驻美公使伍廷芳离任、封杀《民报》及与美国签定协议三事上。中美联盟风潮之所以发生,与清末的危殆情形有关。就内在理路而言,作为中美联盟主张的支撑,以夷制夷是一个不可忽视的因素。论及影响,中美结盟对清政府而言,重要的是政治意义。     

预备立宪失败的原因

预备立宪与立宪运动既有联系,又有区别。前者由清政府领导,后者由民族资产阶级的政治代表立宪派领导;前者依赖各级政权自上而下地贯彻推行,后者系人民自下而上地要求请愿;前者确立的是君主大权政治,民主非常有限的政治,后者追求的是议会政治,真正的资产阶级民主政治,对前者有支持拥护的时候,而更多的是监督、批判和抨     

秋瑾与陶荻子

由中华书局上海编辑所辛勤献力,于1960年初版,1962年修订,上海古籍出版社1979年重版的《秋瑾集》中,收有秋瑾所作词二首:一首是《踏莎行·陶荻》;一首是《临江仙》,下序“陶荻子夫人邀集陶然亭话别。……”字样,反映了女革命家秋瑾与陶的深厚密切的感情。查秋女王灿芝1928年编行的《秋侠遗集》中“陶萩”为“陶荻”;加上上述《秋瑾集》附录中所收陶成章《秋瑾传》也写作“荻意”,即:……(秋瑾)又与(丈夫)廷钧不睦,同乡戚属陶大均(会稽人)、陈静斋(山阴人)等为之和解,不得,乃尽以其所有首饰,托大均妾荻意为变卖,集资东渡日本留学。     

预备立宪和清末政局演变

预备立宪和清末政局演变吴春梅预备立宪是清政府为挽救其统治危机、建立立宪政体而进行的准备活动。论及清王朝的灭亡·必然要涉及预备立宪。长期以来,尽管史学界对预备立宪的评价分歧很大,但无论肯定或否定,都认为是清政府预备立宪的不彻底才导致了清廷的灭亡。然而。...     

“预备立宪”起点再探讨

清王朝在覆亡前最后几年所推行的“预备立宪”是中国谋求政治革新的开端,是“宪政”在中国的最初试验,在很大程度上影响了此后政治观念、政治建设的走向。厘清“预备立宪”的起点无疑是一个至为关键的问题,直接关系到我们对清政府宪政改革动机以及当时社会发展脉络的认知。然而,学界对“预备立宪”起点的认识并不一致。通过梳理当时的朝野政治倾向可以判定,清政府于1905年7月16日颁布派遣王公大臣出洋考察的谕旨实为“预备立宪”之起点。     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.