皖南新四军野战医院的淋浴室和灭虱室

<正>《新四军历史丛刊—救死扶伤》一书中记载抗日战争时期,新四军军部移驻泾县之后,军医院虽然条件简陋,但以正规化、制度化、科学化的管理,吸引国内外一些著名人士参观访问。1939年,史沫特莱到达皖南新四军军部实地观察后,称赞说：“我看过许多军队医院,特别是国民党军队的医院,他们的条件好,医生多,但工作马虎,不负责任,医院乱而脏,许多士兵死于非命,     

爱国将军吉鸿昌遇刺真相

1933年10月下旬的一天,夜幕刚刚降临,从顺义通往北平的公路上,一辆军用卡车疾驰着。车上几个荷枪实弹的国民党军队士兵,监视着中间坐着的两个人:其中一个身材高大魁梧、目光炯炯,满脸络腮胡子,军衣上披满战尘;另一位也是一身戎装,不乏英武之气。汽车驶近孙河,这里灌木丛生,地形     

山西在中国革命中的政治品格和历史贡献（连载）

正五、无私奉献——山西党组织在解放战争阶段谱写的英雄赞歌山西是拉开人民解放战争序幕的地方。抗战胜利后,阎锡山在日军配合下,派兵抢占了处于八路军围攻之下的太原、大同等大中城市,并从八路军收复的地区中夺走了20多座县城。山西各解放区党组织面临的主要任务是粉碎国民党军队的军事进攻,保卫抗战胜利果实,     

父亲眼中的淮海战役

正淮海战役自1948年11月6日开始,至1949年1月10日结束,解放军以少胜多,歼敌无数,创造了战争史上一大奇迹。按说,淮海战役,解放军无论从士兵数量、武器装备,还是从后勤保障、军队作战技能等都无法和国民党军队比肩,是作战中的劣势一方。然而战役中,解放军竟能化劣为优,赢得胜利。称奇之余,顿生探究根底之念。于是,我带着不解,询问我的父     

《日本人反战士兵与日中战争——与重庆国民政府地区俘虏收容所相关的情况》

[日]菊池一隆,林琦、陈杰中译,朱家骏主编、校译的《日本人反战士兵与日中战争——与重庆国民政府地区俘虏收容所相关的情况》,香港光大出版社有限公司2006年2月出版,339千字。该书通过对亲身经历了中日战争的日本人反战士兵及反战运动领导人鹿地亘的访谈和调查,论证、分析了抗日战争时期重庆国民政府的反战俘虏政策、鹿地亘与日本士兵的反战运动,国民政府对俘虏的管理法令及日本人俘虏收容所中的反战运动等。     

冷战视域下的金门女性地位变迁研究

1949年国民党军队退居台湾之后,将金门视为日后反攻大陆的跳板,在金门地区实行所谓的"战地政务"。该政策的实施,对金门女性的地位产生了十分深刻的影响:为军中士兵服务的性工作者在金门出现;同时,大批军人的到来也使婚姻市场上的女性和普通家庭中已婚妇女的地位发生了改变;女性也被动员起来参加军事活动及女性士兵在金门的出现。整个冷战期间,和男性一样,金门地区的所有女性也被强制性地动员起来为国民党政权服务,成为国民党政权反共和"反攻大陆"的工具。     

抗战胜利后我军进军东三省纪实

人们都知道抗战胜利后我军曾和蒋介石的国民党军队抢占东三省,并且比国民党军队先行了一步,为以后创建东三省解放区直至最后打败蒋介石发挥了重要作用。     

试论战国时期的军服供应问题

在探讨战国时期的军服供应问题时,学术界的认识并不统一,多数学者认为此时的军服主要由士兵本人自备。传统文献、睡虎地云梦秦简及其所附两版“家书”和里耶秦简的一些记载,为我们了解战国军服供应情况提供了重要材料。战国时期军队士兵的服装一般由国家发放,特别是其战服外衣应当是官府统一制作,而其贴身内衣则可能由士兵自备。士兵衣服,由于经年累月行军打仗,磨损很大,士兵随时到军市上采买一些作为补充,也是情理中事。战国时期军市的大量涌现,其中当然也有军服交易,但它只是一种辅助性的军用物资供应方式。     

我父亲经历的淮海战役

正在淮海战役中,解放军无论从士兵数量、武器装备,还是从后勤保障、军队作战技能等战争元素都无法和国民党军比肩。然而,解放军竟能化劣为优,赢得完胜。对此,我很不解。带着不解,询问父亲。我的父亲陈行俭(1931—2008)是淮海战役的亲历者。他在国民党军队里前后生活了40多天,忍饥挨饿不说,还没有洗过澡,换过衣服,每天都是和衣而睡,全身长满了虱子。直到1949年1月11日,才侥幸返家。     

全面抗战时期华北八路军士兵的日常卫生

抗战时期华北八路军士兵的日常卫生为了解中共对军队的管理提供了具体例证。日常卫生问题不仅关乎士兵的身体健康和所处的清洁环境,也关乎中共军队战斗力的强弱,同时也是八路军和日军战斗的内容之一。因此,中共一方面注重士兵个体的卫生,并培养士兵注意日常卫生,另一方面加强对环境与公共卫生的管理,并在此基础上强化了军队和民众的关系。在士兵日常卫生工作推行过程中,中共采取了动员与教育的多种措施,最大程度上减少了推行的阻力。士兵日常卫生措施的推行为增强中共军队的战斗力奠定了重要基础。     

Sharing a similar fate: the historical process of the Korean Communists’ merger with the Chinese Communist Party (1919–1936)

In their early history, the Chinese and Korean Communists had little contact with one another. However, similar fates brought them together, and some Korean revolutionaries in China voluntarily joined the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). After a futile effort to establish a Communist party in Korea, the Korean Communists shifted their attention to Chinese Manchuria. Under extremely difficult circumstances, different factions of the Korean Communist organizations either willingly or under force disbanded. However, after winning support from the Comintern, the CCP recruited a substantial number of Korean Communists. Thus, within a short period of time, the CCP expanded its strength in Manchuria. It also shouldered responsibility for assisting the Korean Communists in their efforts to establish their own party. In the aftermath of the September 18th Incident in 1931 the CCP Central Committee called for an armed struggle against the Japanese invaders. The Korean Communists in Manchuria became a force to be reckoned with. After the CCP gradually shifted the focus of its policy toward the War of Resistance against Japan, the Korean Communists in China became integrated into the CCP army.     

Boosting nationalism with non‐nationalist ideology: A comparative biographical analysis of the Chinese communist revolutionaries

This article conducts a comparative biographical analysis to explain why the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) revolutionaries used non‐nationalist Marxism to boost a nationalist movement. It argues that these people, based on their own observations of the precommunist Chinese nationalism, thought that China lacked structural conditions for making a solid nationalist movement such as cultural homogeneity, mass literacy, and a shared pride in modern history. They thus turned to seek a non‐national ideology that could still fulfil the functions of integrating leading elites, mobilizing the masses, and motivating the patriots themselves. Then, to explain why the CCP leaders particularly adopted Marxism, this article draws comparison with the Kuomintang (non‐communist nationalists) elites who advocated for more patience and insistence to develop regular nationalism. The comparison shows that the CCP's impatient jump stemmed from their disadvantaged backgrounds that had limited their ideological horizon: lower‐class origins, narrow overseas experiences, poor education, and weak attachment to traditional culture. To pre‐existing literature, this article makes three contributions: (1) provides a more detailed interpretation of the CCP's diagnosis of Chinese nationalism; (2) explains why the same structural dilemmas produced nationalist and non‐nationalist responses alike; and (3) draws a biographical database of the CCP and the Kuomintang.     

试论“党内合作”的历史局限性——党内合作限制了中共对领导权的争取

党内合作是第一次国共合作所采取的形式,但这种合作形式也存在着明显的历史局限性,即限制了中共对统一战线领导权的争取.这种限制作用突出表现在:孙中山坚持国民革命应由国民党领导,决不放弃对国民党的领导权;国民党始终保持着对共产党人的防范心态,不允许共产党在国民党内坐大;国民党组织力的加强,为推动国民革命所必须,却又强化着对中共活动的约束;共产党的发展却催生着统一战线走向瓦解乃至最终破裂.中共争取领导权斗争的挫败,决定了国民革命失败的结局.     

东北地下抗日斗争述论

1931年至1945年日本侵占我国东北期间,大小不等的地下抗日组织在东北各大中小城市的秘密战线进行抗日斗争。大体可分为四个系统：共产党地下抗日组织、国民党地下抗日组织、无党派地下抗日组织、以无党派人士为主而各党派人士参加其中的地下抗日组织。上述地下抗日组织的斗争目标是一致的,但其工作内容和活动方式则不尽相同,有侧重情报的,有侧重支援配合抗日武装部队的,有侧重抗日宣传和积蓄力量、潜伏待机的,有组织、发展实力,准备武装抗日的,有专事某项活动的,有各项工作兼做的。他们在危险的环境中,在敌人的残酷镇压下,不屈不挠,展现了中华民族优秀儿女的高风亮节。东北地下抗日人员虽然属于不同的政治派别,持有不尽相同的政治信仰,在如何进行抗日地下斗争方面的见解、方法也不尽相同,但大敌当前,他们有着同样的战斗任务——抗日救国,怀着同样的爱国心,因此,在关键时刻和生死关头,相互救助,手足情深。     

20世纪30年代自由主义者对中国共产党的批评与指责--以《独立评论》为例

《独立评论》周围的一些自由知识分子,在严重外患的背景下,站在民族主义立场上,逐渐认同国民党而反对共产党;同时本来根深蒂固的自由主义立场,自然也使他们对中共进行了许多批评;此外。在国民党统治区的言论环境中,他们对中共的认识还很难摆脱偏见和错误。具体把握30年代这些自由知识分子对中共的态度,对认识这一群体在中国现代史上的政治特征及政治走向具有重要意义。     

The cultivation of Communist cadres during the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression

During the Chinese War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) made great progress in its cultivation of cadres. The favorable environment of the National United Front made it possible for the CCP to successfully train a large number of cadres with intellectual backgrounds while continuously using and promoting those who came from worker or peasant backgrounds. By so doing, the CCP raised the quality of its cadres. The CCP’s cultivation of its cadres during the War of Resistance was a systematic undertaking, with interrelated and mutually reinforcing components of education, training, examination, criticism, and self-criticism. Based on cadre self-consciousness and training, a regularized yet not rigid process of cadre cultivation was established. During the same period, the CCP also launched a rectification campaign (Zhengfeng yundong) to further unify and transform the Party. This important movement also left a deep mark on the cultivation of Communist cadres.     

中国国民党“党国”体制述评

在西方政党政治潮流及苏俄体制的影响下,中国国民党总理孙中山形成了一套颇有特色的"党治"理念,为此后中国国民党执政体制奠定了理论基础.1926年,广州国民政府初步建立起中国历史上第一个"党国"体制.1927年4月,伴随着南京国民政府成立和全国统一,中国国民党继续实施其"党国"体制."党国"体制的核心在于,作为执政党的中国国民党,以党的意识形态作为治国的基本原则,以"党政双轨制"的权力管理体系作为自上而下的行政运作模式.这一独具特色的行政管理体制,既是西方政党政治理念特别是苏俄政党体制进入中国政坛的结果,也是传统中国政治文化与西方现代政党体制及理念相互作用的产物.由于理念与利益的分化,"党国"体制不仅形成了中国现代政治制度及其运作模式的重大变革,成为中国国民党统治体系内党、政、军利益纷争的根源,也由于党、政两条管理系统并存且关系滞碍而导致行政成本倍增,进而演变为中国国民党政治制度上的一大顽症.     

论蒋介石与抗战期间的军事会议

在长达八年的抗日战争中,随着国际反法西斯战争形势与中国正面战场抗击日军的历次会战态势的变化,蒋介石连续召开一系列军事会议,制定并调整了对日作战方针,检讨了各次会战,策定了相应的战略战术,从中反映出蒋介石对形势的估计、对敌我双方军队的认识等,比较能够符合实情,也产生了一定的积极作用。但从总体上讲,蒋介石的话是“耳边风”,一吹就过,对国民党军队的劣根性改造无济于事。     

Demythologizing Politicized Myths: A New Interpretation of the Seven Gentlemen Incident

This article investigates a political event in modern China that has received relatively little attention in the West. The Seven Gentlemen Incident occurred in the midst of the national crisis of Japanese aggression, when an independent patriotic movement led by seven Shanghai intellectuals organized the National Salvation Association and urged Chiang Kai-shek to fight the Japanese invaders. The Chiang regime, however, arrested the seven and accused them of plotting to overthrow the government. They were released only after Japan launched a full-scale attack on China in July 1937. Scholars have offered varying images of the incident. While the Seven Gentlemen were denounced as criminals by the Nationalists in Chinese Taiwan, they were respected as national heroes in Chinese mainland. Myths with conflicting viewpoints have been created. What were the life and career backgrounds of these people? Were they petty-bourgeoisie, as some mainlanders assume? Were the seven figures, as mainland Chinese claim, motivated under communist leadership to organize their association? What were their relations with the Nationalist regime and the Communist Party? This article endeavors to answer these questions based on new primary documents in particular archival material and offers new perspectives on this fascinating episode of modern China.     

民族英雄的尺度：《白话本国史》教科书案研究

1935年,国民党上海市党部以吕思勉《白话本国史》"丑诋岳飞,推崇秦桧"为由而责令修改;有人以此控告商务印书馆与吕思勉,法院决定不起诉。《白话本国史》中的岳飞叙述,不利于在民族危机中激发民族意识来抵抗日本侵略;但其中反军阀思想,有利于国民党加强中央权力,又为南京政府所需要。该案的处理方式反映了国民党政府对民族英雄叙述的尺度:尊崇岳飞为民族英雄,突出其反抗外族侵略的一面,希望借助其抗金形象来振发国民志气;同时把岳飞叙述限制于抗金事迹中,弱化其武将身份,警惕其对军阀政治的影响,以加强国家统一。