The Textile Fabrics of India and Huddersfield Cloth Industry

Abstract

There was a large and rapidly expanding cloth finishing industry in London in the late fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth century. London merchants brought provincial cloth to the City, some of which was finished prior to export, and some was finished for the City's expanding clothing industry. The success of the London Fullers and Shearmen was reflected in their merger to form the Clothworkers' Company in 1528, and their acceptance ten years later as the last and twelfth merchant company in the City. The paper traces both the economic progress of the company and some of its principal members, and the difficulties that the Fullers and Shearmen faced as they decided to merge, and then to become accepted as one of the leading companies in the City.     

‘Meddling with Politics’: The Political Role of Foreign Missions in the Early Nineteenth Century

The proper character of the relationship between missionaries and politics shaped one of the most contentious debates within the first century of the modern missionary movement. While the leadership of the missionary societies repeatedly insisted upon the separation between the work of the gospel and politics, missionaries in the field frequently found it difficult to remove themselves from political controversies. John Philip and James Read served with the London Missionary Society in the Cape Colony for most of the first half of the 19th century. Their persistent defence of the interests of the colonial Khoi made them controversial figures in the debates over the social, political and economic structures of the Cape Colony. Missionaries like Read and Philip, rarely described their activities as ‘political’, and certainly did not conceive of their work as in any way related to the patronage‐ridden political system of the early 19th century. Nonetheless, in their promotion of the ideas of religious and civil equality, and in their effective use of public opinion to shape government and public perception of colonial policy, their actions reflected many of the important changes taking place in contemporary British politics. Dissenting political activity focused on the issues of the defence of religious liberty, the struggle to secure their own civil equality, and the debate over the proper relationship between church and state. These issues also played a crucial role in colonial politics throughout the period. This essay will illustrate the important role of the foreign missionary movement in this process. Examining the work of Philip and Read enables us to identify the ways that issues of domestic politics helped to shape the political debates emerging in Britain's expanding empire.     

Jewel of the Pacific and planter's paradise

A 10‐week series with 60 photographs on the Solomon Islands was not unusual in illustrated newspapers and magazines in the early 20th century, and The Queenslander was maintaining a pattern of photographic imaging of sub‐empire going back to the 1890s, concentrating on possible post‐war colonial realignments, appropriateness of British policy and the economic and political roles Australians would adopt if a formal relationship existed with the Solomon Islands. In calling for a greater presence in 1917–18, The Queenslander was supported by expansionists, missions and traders, shipping companies and readers with personal links through work, investment, friends or missions. This essay acknowledges the role of photography in Australian relations with the Pacific, its role in shaping public opinion, and the access it offers to the history of Australia's diverse regional links and particularly its thwarted claims for a closer relationship with the Solomons, depicted optimistically as a planter's paradise and a potential addition to an Australian sub‐empire.     

19世纪英国的政治民主化与女权运动

工业化与政治民主化是19世纪英国历史的主旋律。在工业化的浪潮中,许多妇女走向社会,走进劳动力市场,成为独立的雇佣劳动,从而扩大了眼界,增强了独立意识。在社会政治民主化运动中,她们接受自由主义思想,参与党派活动、宪章运动和反谷物法斗争,甚至独立开展争取妇女选举权、与男性平等的经济权和社会立法权运动,向社会显示自身的实力,不仅改变了轻视妇女的传统社会立法,提高了女性的经济地位和社会地位,而且有力地推进了国家的民主化进程。     

论刘鸿生的同业合并思想及其实践

19世纪末20世纪初,欧美乃至日本的企业界普遍发生了同业合并的浪潮.中国近代企业家及其他有识之士鉴于国外同业联合企业之强大势力,呼吁中国近代企业同业合并,其中最具有强烈同业合并意识并将之成功付诸实践的企业家便是刘鸿生.他在国际火柴托拉斯瑞典火柴公司摧毁性竞争之下,极力促成江浙实力最强的三家火柴公司合并,成立大中华火柴公司.在合并过程中采用董事会制度和分科集权制,克服了一般公司合并中治理权力的分配及管理集中的难题,最终使该公司发展成为全国范围的庞大的火柴托拉斯组织.     

16世纪后期英国的外贸公司及其历史作用

16世纪后期的英国,资本主义生产关系已初步形成,工农业生产得到一定程度的发展,呢绒成为英国重要的出口商品。都铎政府采取重商政策,鼓励商品出口。在此背景下,对外贸易公司纷纷成立。这些贸易公司除了在其垄断地区进行正常贸易外,同时从事地理发现和海上掠夺,并代表政府进行外交活动。外贸公司的活动,促进了英国工业的发展,对英国当时和后来的经济发展产生了深远的影响。这一时期出现的外贸合股公司这一组织形式,成为英国17世纪对北美洲和印度实行殖民占领和统治的过渡的组织形式。外贸合股公司为不列颠殖民帝国的创建做出了不可磨灭的贡献。     

印度农民政治文化变迁和现代民族运动的兴起

印度社会精英对英国统治态度的改变是20世纪上半期印度群众性民族运动兴起的一个关键性政治变量。但是,在印度这样的农民社会里,农民(包括农村手工业者)一直是主导的社会群体,他们的政治态度不能不影响整个印度政治社会的发展。传统上的印度农民是政治冷漠主义者,他们对村社之外的全国性政治过程并不关心,但是在英国的统治下,一系列的经济、社会和政治变迁却使印度农民和全国性政治过程有了密切的利害关系,他们和印度的社会政治精英在反对英国统治方面具有了共同利益。这正是使得他们积极响应以甘地为首的印度政治精英的号召,参加印度现代民族运动,为印度民族独立和解放做出巨大历史贡献的根本原因。     

自由主义与加拿大宪政改革

在19世纪上半期加拿大建立责任政府的过程中,自由主义观念起了重要的促进作用.这不仅表现在自由主义思想对加拿大殖民地人政治意识觉醒的推动上,更表现在英国社会与政坛对英帝国与移民殖民地关系认识的改变上.由于美国独立的教训,维护帝国统一和防止殖民地与母国分离,曾是英国人心中一个不解的结.因此,旧观念支配下的英国统治集团,几乎一致地拒绝了达勒姆关于授予殖民地责任政府的建议.随着英国自身现代政党制度的确立和自由贸易的实现,新的自由主义帝国观开始形成,并直接推动了加拿大的宪政改革.     

Common Starting Points,Different Directions

In the late 19th century, political debates emerged in Sweden and Norway as well as in Finland concerning Travelling families – in this article defined as indigenous itinerant families whom the settled population pejoratively designated with terms such as ‘tatere’ (Norway), ‘tattare’ (Sweden) or ‘zigenare’ (Finland). In this article, these debates are compared, and the transfer of ideas and proposals between the three countries is analysed. It is argued that, on a local level, similar politics of ‘territorial exclusion’ were enacted in all three countries. This was, however, challenged by ‘liberal social politics’, a strategy aiming not at exclusion but at forced assimilation by means such as, for example, removing children from their parents. This strategy was proposed in all three countries, and socio-political agents were well aware of the debates in the neighbouring countries. But it was only in Norway that the most far-reaching proposals were realized. This is explained mainly by pointing at the way in which leading agents chose to act when trying to implement their proposals. The article also problematizes some conclusions drawn in earlier research, where the emergence of debates on Travelling families has been explained by pointing at the rise of ethnic nationalism. Instead, the article argues, the emergence of the so-called ‘social question’ in Western Europe in the 19th century should be considered as an at least equally important background factor.     

试析民国初期华侨双重国籍的负面影响——以简照南恢复国籍案为例

五四抵制日货运动中,英美烟草公司利用中国国内的抵制日货运动,趁机揭露和指责简照南加入日本籍、南洋兄弟烟草公司是日资公司。南洋兄弟烟草公司因此遭受中国民众排斥,并被农商部吊销了执照。为摆脱危机,简照南和南洋烟草公司展开了一场以挽救其中国国籍为核心的行动,并获得国内诸多团体及华侨的支持。简氏复籍终获成功,南洋烟草公司也得以恢复注册为国货公司。此案揭示,在民族主义运动中,国籍、国货身份成为重要标识,双重国籍致使国民身份模糊,有时会带来很大负面影响。     

FLORENTINE CIVIC HUMANISM AND THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN IDEOLOGY

This article revisits the question of the modernity of the Renaissance by examining the political language of Florentine civic humanism and by critically analyzing the debate over Hans Baron's interpretation of the movement. It engages two debates that are usually conducted separately: one concerning the originality of civic humanism in comparison to medieval thought, and the other concerning the political and social function of the civic humanists' political republicanism in fifteenth‐century Florence. The article's main contention is that humanist political discourse rejected the perception of social and political reality as being part of, or reflecting, a metaphysical and divine order or things, and thus undermined the traditional justifications for political hierarchies and power relations. This created the conditions of possibility for the distinctively modern aspiration for a social and political order based on liberty and equality. It also resulted in the birth of a distinctively modern form of ideology, one that legitimizes the social order by disguising its inequalities and structures of domination. Humanism, like modern political thought generally, thus simultaneously constructs and reflects the dialectic of emancipation and domination so central to modernity itself.     

Management and the Free-Standing Company: The New Zealand and Australia Land Company c. 1866–1900

The scholarly reappraisal of the British imperial system as the ‘British World’ has given scholars the opportunity to examine anew the financial, commercial and industrial ties which held the empire together. This article examines the experience of one such tie, the New Zealand and Australian Land Company, a Scottish-based agricultural and land company which operated in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Australasia. This company contributed to the colonies' economic development directly, opening up new farming lands and initiating wool and protein exports, as well as influencing the development of the communities which grew up around its stations and factories. The article details the strategic development of the company until c. 1900 in the wider context of Australia and New Zealand's economic development, demonstrating that studying the evolution of commercial organisations can contribute to the wider debate around the role of British capital in development.     

SUMMARIES OF ARTICLES

Wang Benli, On the Emancipation of British Jews In Britain, it was not until the 1820s, mainly urged by the trend of the times, that the issue of Jewish emancipation was put on the political agenda. Although the emancipation is prominently symbolized by the political emancipation, it is not a synonym of the latter, its process was long and its contents were multiple, even piecemeal. It can be said that the emancipation process of British Jews lasted from the year 1830 till the end of the 19th century. Besides the solution to the problem of equal civil rights for British Jews,     

The ‘secular’ settlement and Australian political thought

This paper challenges the tendency among contemporary historians and political scientists to read secularism and religion in Australian political history in binary terms. It is argued that this framework is anachronistic, creating a barrier to a proper appreciation of religion in Australian political history. In keeping with much British Enlightenment thinking, religion through much of Australia’s history was deemed to have great social utility and its promotion was of central secular significance. This understanding framed the education debates of the second half of the nineteenth century as well as the social welfare reforms and institution building around the Federation period. Such developments cast doubt on claims that secularism of an exclusionary kind is a key element of the now widely invoked category of the Australian settlement.     

From Kings to Kids: Refashioning Akan Adinkra Symbols as ‘African’ Motifs in a Nineteenth-Century British Cloth Design

In the nineteenth century, British textile companies began making factory-printed cloth with adinkra motifs for African consumers. These symbolic designs were previously reserved for hand-stamped cloths among Akans of present-day Ghana. Such textiles illustrate the complexities of re-presenting history and shaping cultural knowledge through cloth and colonial exchanges. This article focuses on the design and circulation of one specific British textile design with adinkra symbols made during the 1890s to 1930s, the earliest recorded evidence I have found of adinkra in factory-printed cloths. This textile pattern reveals how merchants, designers and printers historically transformed adinkra symbols from Akan society to become global markers of Africa.     

Debating federal Europe in the British Parliament,c. 1940–49

Federalism, or the fear of it, worked as a catalyst in the British pre-referendum debate on Brexit in June 2016. In this paper, we focus on the pre-European integration context and ask what kind of an alternative federalism was seen to afford in British politics during and after the Second World War. We limit our discussion to parliamentary debates, which have only rarely been used as primary sources for studying European integration history. The British Parliament was one of the key political arenas for debates on foreign policy, not just in terms of informing the party lines but also guiding the public discussion. In the early part of the 1940s, the British federalist movement was able to generate political debate on the issue and gain the attention of many leading politicians. We argue that the approach to the use of the concept was politically charged but remained open to various context-based interpretations, which did not eventually lead to any concrete proposals. During the latter part of the 1940s, the majority of British MPs were open to different ways of creating unity in Europe. The emphasis on national sovereignty, however, continued. As a result ‘federalism’, attached to structures for unity, gave way to more pragmatic political solutions.     

Geoffrey Holmes and the House of Lords Reconsidered

The publication of Geoffrey Holmes's British Politics in the Age of Anne , arguably, did more than any other volume of the period to reinvigorate interest in the house of lords in the Augustan period. The upper chamber, which had been largely overlooked by historians such as Sir Lewis Namier and Robert Walcott, had come to be regarded as a very inferior partner to the house of commons, populated by great landowners whose principal interest was to see the furtherance of their kinship networks. Holmes's work demonstrated clearly the central role of the Lords in British political life and revised radically the accepted orthodoxy that family predominated over ideology in the early 18th century. This article seeks to reassess Holmes's contribution to the study of the Lords in the light of research undertaken since the publication of British Politics and to suggest some ways in which Holmes's model, which remains broadly unassailable, might be reshaped.     

The Curious Case of the Vanishing Debate over Irish Home Rule: The Dominion of Canada,Irish Home Rule,and Canadian Historiography

In the 1880s, the British Empire was abuzz with debate over the Irish Home Rule Bills being discussed at that time in the Westminster Parliament. The Dominion of Canada was no exception and the Canadian House of Commons held no fewer than three debates on the concept of Irish Home Rule. Studying these debates provides a way to explore British identity beyond the British Isles. Although the nineteenth century attempts to implement Irish Home Rule were ultimately a failure, for almost half a century the concept was discussed throughout the Empire. This article takes an in-depth look at the Canadian parliamentary response to Irish Home Rule. In doing so, it argues that the debates reveal much about British identity in the Dominion, at least at the parliamentary level, and sheds light on conceptions of Britishness in the wider British world. It also suggests that these imperial debates represent an important stage in the development of Canadian history and deserve to take their place in Canadian historiography.     

18世纪末至19世纪中期英国在印度的“文明使命”

在"文明使命"价值观的指引下,英国人在印度扮演的角色,既是征服者和殖民者,又是统治者和开化者.他们在治理与掠夺印度的过程中,摧毁了印度原有的社会与经济结构,推进了印度社会的近代化,用强力手段将古老的印度拉进了以英国为中心的世界资本主义体系.     

The 18th-century traditions of representation in a new age of revolution

What happened to shared historical experiences in the discursive processes of constitutional reform in Sweden and Finland? This article examines the use of 18th-century history in early 20th-century politics. Building on a long-term survey of Swedish and Finnish estate and parliamentary debates, it analyses the political implications of differing national historiographies in the two successor states of the 18th-century Swedish realm, focusing on how the ancient past and collective (and often selective) memories of the Age of Absolutism, the Age of Liberty and the Gustavian Age were used by parliamentarians in constitutional debates. The analysis demonstrates how the Finnish polity continued to be profoundly influenced by these 18th-century constitutions even after the Russian Revolution, while Sweden took the post-French Revolution constitution of 1809 as its point of departure. In both countries, interpretations of the long 18th century were ideologically motivated in an age of the parliamentarization of government and the democratization of the representative system. This leads us to a discussion of the history-political significance of the common and differing understandings of representative government in the two interconnected countries.