日本接待渤海国使者的外交礼仪初探

文章主要探讨了日本接待渤海国使者的外交礼仪,即入境礼仪、入京礼仪和离境礼仪,展现了唐王朝时期的渤日两国以唐文化为基础、友好而顺利的进行外交往来的热情画面.     

传统服饰与近代外交

清代官员传统的服饰特点，是身着长袍马褂，顶戴花翎，脑后蓄留发辫。19世纪60年代，清廷官员走出国门，开始与西方国家发生外交关系时，传统服饰却给他们带来意想不到的麻烦和羞辱，既不利于外交活动的顺利开展，又有损国家形象。改变传统服饰，服装西化，势在必行。清驻外使臣首先向清廷提出“请定外交公服”奏请。与此同时，国内的其他进步人士也纷纷提出“剪辫易服”的主张。20世纪初，清廷驻外使臣及国内的军、警、学、政各界，都有相当多的人改穿“新制短衣”。传统服饰的改变，既是中国与世界外交礼仪从冲突到趋同的进步过程，同时又是中国半殖民地不断深化的屈辱过程。     

忆我国外交迎送礼仪的改革

外交部礼宾司主管国家外交礼仪事务,其重要职责之一是承担外国元首及政府首脑及重要贵宾访华的迎送任务。笔者在礼宾司任职多年,经历多次迎送国宾的礼仪改革,印象深刻。数十年的迎宾礼仪改革,总的原则是删繁就简,显示了中国作为一个外交大国日益走向成熟的风貌。     

郭嵩焘的近代外交意识

郭嵩焘是中国第一位驻外公使,在中国由传统外交向近代化外交的转型时期,以其独特和前瞻眼光来看待中外关系。其外交思想中的近代意识表现为对传统夷夏观的突破、对近代西方外交观念、外交礼仪的吸收、接纳,以及创办近代外交机制的努力等内容。郭嵩焘的近代外交意识,对晚清外交的近代化产生了深刻而广泛的影响。     

阎宝航与新中国外交礼仪

2010年7月,我对几位八九十岁的老外交家和夫人进行了采访,了解到新中国成立之初阎宝航在外交部工作的情况。阎宝航不但在新中国成立前是一名“无名英雄”,在新中国外交战线上也是默默耕耘,作出了重要贡献,不愧是新中国外交礼仪的奠基者。     

论甲午战后北洋大臣在晚清外交中地位的衰落

第二次鸦片战争以后,清廷在京城设立了总理各国事务衙门,负责处理对外交涉事务。而李鸿章在任直隶总督兼北洋大臣期间也涉足清廷的外交事务,晚清的对外交涉,他几乎都参与其中,其外交地位甚至一度超过了总理衙门。甲午惨败后,李鸿章本人受到极大的攻击,于1895年签订《马关条约》后被罢去直隶总督兼北洋大臣职务。其继任者无论是王文韶、荣禄还是袁世凯,都无法再现北洋大臣在晚清外交中那种纵横捭阖、一枝独秀的辉煌。北洋大臣在晚清外交中地位衰落了。     

中俄伊犁交涉清廷成功原因探析

中俄伊犁交涉是中国近代外交史上的一个重大事件,虽然从《伊犁条约》中的一些条款可以看出清廷也丧失了一部分领土和商业权益,但这一条约的签订也不失为晚清外交史上的成功案例。在整个交涉过中,清廷反俄势力的推动,曾纪泽优秀的外交才能,清廷恰当的外交策略,清廷收回主权的决心以及俄国国内的政治和经济形势等发挥了重大作用。     

中俄伊犁交涉清廷成功原因探析简

俄伊犁交涉是中国近代外交史上的一个重大事件,虽然从《伊犁条约》中的一些条款可以看出清廷也丧失了一部分领土和商业权益,但这一条约的签订也不失为晚清外交史上的成功案例。在整个交涉过中,清廷反俄势力的推动,曾纪泽优秀的外交才能,清延恰当的外交策略,清廷收回主权的决心以及俄国国内的政治和经济形势等发挥了重大作用。     

郭嵩焘曾纪泽外交思想之比较

在晚清外交史上,郭嵩焘与曾纪泽是两个极有影响的人物,但迄今为止,学者们只对这两位外交家进行过个案研究,本文则试图把他们的外交思想联系起来加以考察、比较,从中探寻两代公使的外交理想及认知,并从他们的异同中进一步探讨有关晚清外交近代化的一些问题。一、郭嵩寿、曾纪泽面临的外交大势鸦片战争之前,清朝几乎与世隔绝,对周边国家的交往则建立在“宗藩制度”上,即中国以“天前上国”自居,周边国家乃至更远的属国必须向清朝皇帝纳贡,并接受清帝册封。清廷则需为属国平挥内乱、外患,但在一般情况下不干涉属国的内政。然而,随…     

试论晚清外交人才观的演进

晚清国人对外交人才观的演变经历了一个逐步深化过程.从最初国人对选拔外交人才的讨论到外交官职业化思想的明晰,他们的观念可谓发生了巨大的转变,已经初步树立起了近代化的外交人才观.中国传统外交人才观与近代西方外交人才观具有完全不同的内涵,属于两个不同的文明体系.近代西方的强势地位,决定了国人外交人才观的演进必然是接受西方理念的过程,其间不断交织着中西观念的冲突与碰撞.     

Ivan Vasil'evich Receives a Profession: Studies of Ivan the Terrible in Post-Soviet Russia

Through careful analysis of previously understudied sources on topics such as royal titles, diplomatic ritual, bureaucratic formalities, and religious rhetoric, contemporary Russian historians of Muscovy move beyond the simple binary view of Ivan the Terrible as wise statesman or sadistic madman.     

保护“弃民”:日俄战争时期清政府海参崴护侨活动研究

日俄战争爆发后,清政府对海参崴地区华侨积极实行了外交保护、战后救助、损失索赔等有效护侨措施。再一次印证了从同治末年开始实施保护海外侨民政策以来,清政府对华侨态度的转变以及侨务政策的变化。从弃侨到护侨,是一个历史性的跨越。而从单纯保护华侨安全到利用国际法向强权索偿损失,则又是一大进步。日俄战争时期清政府的海参崴护侨活动,无疑从一个侧面反映了古老中国从闭关锁国到走向世界的一段重要转型历程。     

晚清政府与罗马教廷的外交历程

1881-1892年,以李鸿章为主的清政府官员,一致主张联络罗马教廷,废除法国保教权,稳定中国基督教局势。总理衙门采纳这种主张,并努力将其付诸实践,却由于法国政府的干扰而未能成功。1892年后,清政府官员对联络罗马教廷的主张发生分化。陈其璋等人建议继续实践,而薛福成等人则认为不能将解决中国教案问题的希望寄托于罗马教廷,主张另辟蹊径。总理衙门的意见与薛福成等人相似,自1896年后放弃与罗马教廷建交通使的计划。19021906年,吕海寰等官员发起建议联络罗马教廷的新高潮,但清政府未予采纳。     

The late Qing “national language” issue and monolingual systems: Focusing on political diplomacy

ABSTRACT

Established as a multiethnic and multilingual empire, the Qing dynasty used Manchu, Chinese, and other languages in its government. Influenced by nationalism, the court attempted to establish Manchu as the “national language.” Yet over time, the “national language movement” resulted in Chinese being adopted as the “national language.” Occurring in the twilight years of the Qing, this transition reflected the moribund fate of the Qing empire against the rising tide of Chinese nationalism at the turn of the twentieth century.     

试析清末新政时期外交体制变革的有利因素

清末新政时期清政府对外交体制进行了全面变革,从而实现了外交体制的现代化转型。变革之所以能够取得成功的三个有利因素是:统治集团中形成了浓厚的变革氛围;清政府前期现代化事业卓有成效;中外交往不断扩大:     

Archaeological Interpretation of the Continuity of Chinese Civilization over Five Thousand Years

Chinese civilization has unique characteristics in the world civilization history. Its most prominent characteristic is the continuity of the “5,000-year” civilization. Over 5,000 years ago, different civilizations appeared in different regions of China and the civilizations mainly included their different early-stage theocracy and reign modes. Among these civilizations, the civilization that was handed on from generation to generation was the states with a reign mode that originated in the Longshan culture of Central China and its successors such as the Xia Dynasty, the Shang Dynasty, the Zhou Dynasty, the Qin Dynasty, the Han Dynasty, the Yuan Dynasty, the Ming Dynasty, and the Qing Dynasty. This can be illustrated by the 5,000-year continuous inheritance of the country, people, and territory of China, proved by the 5,000-year inheritance and development of capitals, royal tombs, ritual and ceremonial buildings and vessels, and characters as the national culture (or major tradition) and resurrected by the capital’s centralization,“OneGate Three-Passage” pattern,“centralization of the main hall of the court” and the“Left Ancestral Temple and Right Altar” pattern, and the central axis of the capital, the four doors on four sides of the capital and court, etc. as the materialized forms of the core ideas of center and moderation. These materialized forms of the unbroken civilization became more and more in the past 5,000 years, which indicates that the ideas of center and moderation became stronger and stronger and were constantly deepened. The ideological roots of the 5,000-year unbroken Chinese civilization are the ideas of center and moderation, which are the ideological basis for the state identity and the core value of the Chinese national history.     

The Representative of the State: Why the English Parliament Was Distinctive in the Early 17th Century

This article identifies the forms of state development in 16th- and 17th-century England, and shows that they were embraced by parliament rather than the crown, reflecting the change whereby MPs ceased to be mere local representatives and came to be seen as the central representative of the kingdom, traditionally the function of the monarch. Thus parliament assumed a defining role in the new national dimension of foreign policy, working in concert with the Elizabethan government, but generally in opposition to the early Stuarts, who perpetuated a dynastic approach. The most challenging domestic manifestation of parliament as central representative was the long-term campaign for freedom of trade, pursued by a broad coalition of the merchant community and the gentry in parliament, asserting a principled right of English subjects to be free of arbitrary exactions and restraints, such as the royal prerogative of impositions. The emergent state was structured by a distinctive internal dynamic, based on the sole sovereignty of representative law, established by the expulsion of the universal church. Omni-competent statute had a unique dual force, responding directly to constituency requirements, and meeting them with definitive national provisions. This was adopted by parliament as the new instrument of good government, but distrusted and sidelined by the Stuart crown. Consequently, in 1641, John Pym bemoaned the absence of parliaments as bereaving the country of the legislative function, which he now saw as ‘that which makes and constitutes a kingdom’. The appropriation of state perspectives reinforced parliamentarian strength and ambitions.     

Austronesian aboriginality or the ritual organization of the state? A controversy on the political dimension of temple networks in early bali

Since early colonial times, Dutch government officials as well as anthropologists have made a distinction between what have been called “Bali Aga”, the allegedly aboriginal inhabitants of Bali (Indonesia), and those inhabitants associated with title‐bearing groups oriented towards royal courts and brahmana ritual specialists. While the former have been described as constituting a society characterized by equality and democracy, the latter have been portrayed as being almost the opposite. This article questions the basic assumptions about the “Bali Aga”, especially the role of their ritual networks focusing on regional temples. These have been interpreted as a demonstration of equality and of a bounded “Bali Aga” ethnicity. This article suggests a different interpretation, one in which the ritual networks are understood as basic segments, not restricted to the Bali Aga, in the ritual organization of the pre‐colonial Balinese state.     

两次鸦片战争期间清朝对欧美小国的外交

两次鸦片战争期间,清朝政府将欧美小国与欧美列强“一视同仁”,宁愿让欧美小国享受欧美列强从清朝攫取的除割地赔款之外的种种特权,也不轻易满足欧美小国提出的符合近代国际惯例的一些要求.这样,清朝对欧美小国的外交也不断丧权辱国.究其原因,在于清朝以传统的“天朝上国”思想来指导近代对欧美小国的外交;清朝对欧美小国外交的最主要目的,是为了维护“天朝上国”的体制,而不是保护近代意义上的国家主权.     

晚清官派留德学生研究

留学政策是晚清政府的一项重要政策。随着中德贸易和外交往来的开始,以及中国人对德国认识的逐步加深,清政府开始陆续向德国派遣留学生。1876-1911年的中国留德学生构成了这个时期中国留学生中的重要组成部分。留德学生主要来自湖北和江浙,他们在德国的学习以军事训练为主,但后来逐渐转向法律和自然科学等科目。留学生的管理对清政府来说是个难题。随着留学人数的增加,中德双方都在努力探索解决方案,但实际效果并不理想。