Geography in the Mongolian People's Republic

A review of the development of geographic research in Mongolia Until the late 1940's Soviet geographers played a key role in Mongolian research, then largely limited to work in physical geography. Since 1950 indigenous geographers have begun to play a dominant part, adding economic-geography research in recent years.     

《中华人民共和国经济史》评介

中华人民共和国已经走过半个世纪的历程,50年在人类历史的长河中如白驹过隙,但对于12亿中国人民来说,这50年的历程却是一部辉煌的篇章。在中国共产党的领导下,中国人民在经济基础非常落后、国情极为复杂的情况下进行前无古人的事业,在前进的道路上历尽坎坷与曲折,取得了翻天覆地的变化和辉煌的成就。由董辅主编的《中华人民共和国经济史》(经济科学出版社出版)一书以丰富的史料,真实客观地记录了这一段伟大的历史,热情讴歌了中华人民共和国经济建设所取得的巨大成就,对研究社会主义建设成功的经验以及挫折的教训、探求建设有中国特色社会…     

建国前辽西区新石器时代考古学文化发现与研究

自然地理中的辽西区范围一般指辽宁省西部地区(简称辽西),区别于辽宁省东部地区(简称辽东)和辽宁省中部地区(简称辽中),位于医巫间山和辽东湾以西。地理上有辽西丘陵和辽西走廊地理单元。辽西走廊位于辽东湾西岸,为沿岸平原,东西范围狭窄,南北范围较长,形似走廊。辽西丘陵位于辽西走廊和努鲁儿虎山之间。考古学文化区的辽西区与自然地理中的辽西区范围不同。作为考古学文化区的“辽西区”或“辽西地区”广泛被考古学者采用,但其所指范围并不完全一致,时大时小,有几种不同意见。其一,辽西地区包括辽宁省的朝阳、阜新地区和内蒙古自治区的赤峰…     

《中华人民共和国经济史》第1卷若干问题研讨会召开

由吴承明、董志凯担任主编的《中华人民共和国经济史》第 1卷 ( 1 949～ 1 952 )已由中国财经出版社于 2 0 0 1年 1 2月出版。全书以 84万字的篇幅 ,全面、详实地研讨了建国头三年的经济发展过程。第一卷的出版在学术界引起很大反响 ,受到好评。接续下来的《中华人民共和国经济史》第 2卷 ( 1 953～ 1 957)已由中国社会科学院立项 ,即将上马。为了总结经验 ,进一步推动建国初期经济史的研究 ,由中国社会科学院经济研究所中国现代经济史研究室主持 ,于2 0 0 2年 7月 2 4日召开了《中华人民共和国经济史》第 1卷若干问题研讨会。中国社会科学…     

国民参政会与国民政府的治藏政策--以治藏议案为中心

1938-1948年间的国民参政会是这一时期中国的重要民意机关,共历四届。本对历届国民参政会的各项治藏议案作了整理和分析,认为这些议案涉及当时治藏问题的各个方面,其中的合理成分对于今天仍有一定的参考价值;这些议案虽然仅有一部分被采纳,但对国民政府的治藏政策仍产生了重要影响。这些议案的提交既有藏族参政员,也有其他民族、地区的参政员,表明了全国各地、各界人民对西藏同胞的关心,并促进了藏族同胞与各族人民的交流,在一定程度上推进了藏区的社会进步,维护了边疆稳定和国家统一。     

An Attempt to Classify the Landscapes of the USSR

The author, who regards landscapes as physical terrain types rather than as regional units, briefly surveys previous approaches to landscape classification and offers his own classification scheme. The scheme is based on a major division of all landscapes into plains (lowland and upland) and mountain types (distinguished by vertical zonality). Within the classification, soils and bioclimatic criteria are used to determine the upper rungs of the hierarchy, and geological and geomorphic criteria are taken into account mainly at the lower levels.     

民初宪法会议的困境与破解尝试(1916-1917)

护国运动后,宪法会议在国人期待中召开,却因党争激烈,久议而不能决,制宪工作陷入困境。对此,章士钊再提"调和立国"之法,希望以此破解制宪僵局。"调和"逐渐成为制宪的主流思想主张,为大多数议员接纳,并促成"孔教入宪"等诸多争议问题的解决。然而,该主张却始终无法解决"省制入宪"和"解散权与不信任决议权"等问题,导致宪法会议停滞,国会也因此被再次解散。宪法会议失败的原因在于各党派将自身利益凌驾于国民利益之上,破坏了共同的利益基础,共识难以形成,宪法也就成了镜花水月。     

Economic Regionalization in the People's Democracies

The author traces the development of administrative-economic regionalization in Eastern Europe from the initial phase of centralized economic planning and management to the present stage in which central control in combined with greater local autonomy and coordination of economic development. Economic regions are considered effective only if they embody actual agencies for economic coordination within their territory.     

中华人民共和国史研究的发端

1978年 1月 11日 ,时任中国社会科学院院长的胡乔木 ,在该院召开的制订科研计划和规划的动员会上说 :“现代历史 ,我们已经有了鸦片战争以后的 ,民国以后的 ,以至五四以来的历史研究 ,但是 ,中华人民共和国成立以后的历史 ,现在还没有着手认真地进行研究 ,要赶快着手研究。”① 这是第一次郑重提出中华人民共和国史的研究问题。动员会后 ,胡乔木就确定研究选题和新建研究所两个方面提出建议 ,都把中华人民共和国史研究列入。其一 ,胡乔木提出要搞 10 0个马克思主义基本著作的选题。他在 1977年 12月中央宣传部召开的社会科学界知名人士座谈…     

论中华人民共和国史研究

中华人民共和国史是指1949年10月1日以后共和国范围内社会及社会与自然界关系的历史。从经济社会发展道路或目标模式的角度来观察,国史大致可以划分为五个时期,其主线至少有三条。研究国史,需要明确现代史与当代史的关系,尤其要处理好它与中共党史的关系。认清什么是国史的主流,关键在于如何看待改革开放前的历史,特别是那段历史中发生的失误和错误。国史研究具有较强的阶级性、政治性和意识形态性,但这并不必然削弱它的学术性、科学性。国史研究除了具有史学各分支学科所共有的传承文明、咨政育人的功能外,还有"护国"的重要作用。在今天,只要尊重客观事实,遵守学术规范,当代人不仅可以写好当代史,而且可以在国家机构主持下写好国史。     

The Politics of Environmental Policy in the People's Republic of China

The People's Republic of China (PRC) has made substantial progress in developing environmental legislation and a complementary regulatory structure. These gains are directly related to the economic reforms and opening to the outside world that began in the 1970s, which introduced a greater emphasis on efficiency and more awareness of the costs associated with pollution and environmental degradation. However, the economic growth and devolution of power unleashed by the reforms have also created new environmental stresses and to some extent reduced the regulatory capability of governmental authorities. As a result, some environmental stresses are increasing even as progress is made on other fronts. Political participation is restricted and environmental issues only occasionally acquire political salience. However, international pressure on the PRC to conform its conduct to international environmental norms is likely to increase, which is likely to affect domestic policymaking.     

史学研究创新之作——读《胡绳论“从五四运动到中华人民共和国成立”》

《胡绳论“从五四运动到中华人民共和国成立”》(以下简称“《成立》”)一书由社会科学献出版社2001年5月出版后,已有陈桂《一份珍贵的思想遗产》、徐宗勉《读(胡绳论“从五四运动     

Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai at the dawn of the People's Republic

As the founders of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai dedicated themselves to the construction of the new country. Mao Zedong drew up the overall strategies for China and Zhou Enlai was responsible for their concrete implementation. They had good working relations. At the same time, Mao and Zhou had different opinions and disagreed on certain issues, as it was natural to have different perspectives and thinking. Despite sharing a common objective to carry out a socialist modernization, they slightly disagreed on priorities.     

侨乐村:南京国民政府救助难侨措施的新尝试

论文探讨了20世纪30年代初的难侨问题及特点、侨乐村的筹办与运作模式、侨乐村推广之困境等问题;对侨乐村与华侨农场这两种难侨安置模式进行了比较分析。面对30年代初出现的大批难侨问题,以往常规的救助政策已经不能应对新情况。南京国民政府试图通过建立、推广侨乐村,从根本上实现对归国难侨的救济。侨乐村的创办具有救助难侨、开垦荒地繁荣经济的双重目的,然而在实际管理、运行中,却过度注重国家利益而忽视垦民诉求;加之其他外部环境的影响,侨乐村最终未能得到广泛推广。但通过垦荒安置难民的思路和举措被社会各界认同。侨乐村模式对抗战时期难侨、难民救助及后世华侨农场的建设都有着重要意义。     

The theory and implementation of the People's Republic of China's revolutionary diplomacy

The foreign relations of modern China, starting from the birth of the People's Republic in 1949 until the Cultural Revolution, can be said to have had continuous ups and downs and twists and turns. Its underlying abstruse principles, while stemming from nationalism, contained for the most part the Chinese Communist Party's own revolutionary principles and individual revolutionary experiences. The Chinese Communist revolution was based on class analysis and class conflict, on struggle and ideology. This ideology determined how China viewed itself and the world; no views could be separated from the ideology of class struggle and class analysis. The leadership's adherence to this type of ideology led to the long-term instability of China's diplomacy. Though those who, like Mao Zedong, employed class revolution in order to seize political power while viewing class analysis, class struggle, and in particular the success of using class ideology in a united front policy as the magic wand of the revolution's success, were singularly able to adapt such views to China's foreign policy and diplomacy. This became the fundamental red line for China's foreign policy.     

Australian and People's Republic of China government conceptions of the international order

Through qualitative comparative analysis of policy documents and official statements over the last 10 years (2008–2018), this paper examines Australian and PRC government conceptions of the international order and the associated policy implications. Their understandings of the international order are informed by their self-defined national role conceptions and perceptions of other states, and are manifested in discussions of institutional reform, international law and human rights. Australia's self-conception as a middle power informs its emphasis on maintenance and US leadership of the existing order, while the PRC's self-conceptions as both a developing and established power enable it to frame itself as either an upholder or reformer of the order. Both governments highlight the ‘rules-based’ mechanisms of the WTO, and are more likely to agree on trade and economic issues than on other matters. Their responses to the 2016 South China Sea arbitration tribunal decision and discussions of the role of human rights in the international order suggest less agreement is likely on international law and human rights norms. While Australia considers the PRC a potential challenger to the existing order, Australia does not feature in PRC discussions of international order, suggesting its limited ability to affect PRC foreign policy decisions.     

人民共和国:中国人民的历史性选择

中华人民共和国的成立是中国共产党领导全国各族人民进行新民主主义革命所取得的最伟大的成果;把创建人民共和国作为中国革命的共同奋斗目标,是历史和人民的选择。新中国成立后,《共同纲领》对人民共和国的国体、政体等问题做出了具有法律效力的明确规定,其中的国体,即工人阶级领导的、以工农联盟为基础的人民民主专政的国家制度,具有最根本的意义和决定性的作用。这种制度,符合中国的实际情况和广大人民的切身利益,有着极大的优越性。     

两难的选择：建国初期的华侨婚姻政策

新中国成立初期,保护华侨侨眷利益的侨务政策与《婚姻法》规定的男女平等和婚姻自由原则发生冲突。为了兼顾华侨与侨眷利益,相关部门谨慎探索可行途径,维护新生政权的稳定。但由于外交途径有限,法律法规不够健全以及国内政治倾向的限制,也出现了顾此失彼等问题。     

An Attempt to Determine the Influence of Large Reservoirs on Local Climate

The authors use the method of geographic analogues to predict the influence of the projected Pechora-Vychegda-Kama watershed reservoir on the temperature and humidity of the surrounding territory. On the basis of the climatic influence of the Rybinsk Reservoir, measured by changes in differences of meteorological elements between pairs of stations, the authors expect a 10-km.-wide belt of stable influence around the projected reservoir, with episodic effects in the direction of the prevailing winds up to 30 to 50 km. inland.     

从阿拉善旗专员到军事专员:南京国民政府介入蒙旗地方政治的尝试

为防止日本侵略势力的渗透,南京国民政府创设了阿拉善旗专员制度。因专员在派驻过程中,遭遇层层阻碍,最终被迫改置为军事专员,权责缩减。专员制度作为南京国民政府介入阿拉善旗地方政治的首次尝试,其尴尬境地也反映了在缺乏稳定环境与足够控制力的条件下,边疆政治整合所面临的困境。军事专员虽远未实现其设置的预期目的,但客观上有利于加强中央与阿拉善旗地方联系,从而有效地维护了边疆主权与统一。