康熙朝黑龙江博尔德城八旗驻防始末

康熙朝黑龙江驻防八旗组建之初,一度曾有八牛录官兵驻于博尔德城。康熙三十一年,齐齐哈尔城两牛录达呼尔兵,受命移驻博尔德地方看守官仓。次年,因墨尔根城编练鸟枪兵,复有两牛录齐齐哈尔城达呼尔兵移驻博尔德。康熙三十三年,以喀尔喀蒙古贵族献纳的巴尔虎人丁编设的四牛录官兵,亦被派驻于该处。是年冬,清廷先后于博尔德派设满洲籍城守尉、防御等官,该处正式成为将军衙门辖下"城"一级地方行政建制。康熙四十年,为充实将军移驻齐齐哈尔城后极度空虚的墨尔根城兵力,博尔德八旗驻防撤销,所有八牛录官兵移归墨尔根。     

清代满语文在达斡尔社会的传播进程探析

早在与后金(清)政权建立贡市关系之初,达斡尔氏族显贵即开始学说满语。康熙初布特哈打牲部落组建,通晓满语文成了达斡尔官员群体的必备技能。康熙中叶,在清廷满化政策推动下,满语文在黑龙江驻防八旗达斡尔军户中率先普及。受布特哈归隶黑龙江将军,继而被改组为呼伦贝尔、布特哈八旗影响,乾隆中叶满语普及到整个达斡尔族。晚清满语文在全国式微,但在达斡尔社会却依旧盛行。     

清代圆明园八旗驻防的设立及其户口演变与户口特征

圆明园创建及八旗护军驻防是清代北京政治中心的部分职能向西北郊外转移的重要标志。圆明园八旗驻防户口在特定环境下形成了特定的增长过程和户口特征，为探讨清代八旗驻防户口提供了重要个案。一、圆明园及八旗驻防的设置圆明园始建于康熙四十八年（170年），系皇四子胤的赐园。园名为康熙御书。以镇登基后，经雍正、乾隆、嘉庆、道光、咸丰五朝修建开拓，成为当时举世闻名、规模宏伟且又融东、西方造园艺术于一体的皇家苑困。后毁于英法联军与八国联军的两度焚掠。据雍正烟明园记》，早在雍正初年，已开始“建设轩挥，分列朝署”，即“构…     

康熙朝黑龙江八旗官学教育释疑

康熙三十四年八旗官学设立,并非是清代黑龙江地方文化教育的开端.此前,满语文及其所承载的文化知识,在索伦、达呼尔等黑龙江原居部族中,就已有一定的传播.康熙朝黑龙江所设八旗官学,应包括位于墨尔根城的两所敕建官学,以及在瑷珲、齐齐哈尔、博尔德三城各有两所的地方自办官学,其各自的教育对象有明确的区分.初设时,唯有敕建官学的教师称“助教官”,由朝廷自京城或盛京选派,自办官学的教师只称“师傅”,从各城识字官兵中选任.康熙年间的黑龙江八旗官学,既教授满语文,也教授汉语文,且其文化教育的核心内容是内地传统的儒家经史.康熙四十七年,黑龙江八旗官学曾一度因故停办,直至乾隆九年始行复设.     

宁夏博物馆藏孤本《宁夏满营驻防事宜》史料研究

《宁夏满营驻防事宜》是一册迄今为止反映清代八旗驻防宁夏最为全面翔实的重要史料经梳理,其记录了有关新满城的创建规模、宁夏驻防官兵的额设、宁夏驻防官兵的经济状况、宁夏驻防武备与马政等诸多内容,对于深入研究宁夏驻防八旗兴衰起伏的历史演进具有重要的价值。     

清代满城考

研究清入关后的满族史,不能不研究驻防八旗,研究驻防八旗,必然涉及到满城。满城,即清代八旗兵的驻防城,是清代驻防全国各地的八旗官兵及其眷属的居住地。它与清代八旗驻防共兴衰,相终始。因此,对满城兴建、规模、作用及其废弃的过程,进行一番考察和分析,不无意义。本文拟就上述略表浅见,疏漏之处,敬请批评指正。     

辛亥革命与荆州驻防八旗

1911年辛亥革命爆发,各地驻防八旗受到巨大冲击,随后,驻防旗人及其后裔走上了大转变的道路。驻防八旗以辛亥革命为转折点,地位和生活均产生了根本性的变化。这个变化,无论从辛亥革命史的角度还是民族史的角度,都是研究很不够的课题。本文仅对荆州驻防八旗的情况略作说明,希望有助于问题的深入探讨。 一 以八旗兵分驻全国务要冲地区,为清廷统治和控制各地的基本方略之一,至今民间尚传全国有四十八满城之说。湖北荆州府城设八旗驻防,始于康熙二十二年,然溯其原始,与康熙时平定“三藩之乱”有关。荆州自古为兵家必争之战略要地,“三藩之乱”起,其地位更加突出,时清军与藩兵以荆州为界,划江相对。三藩平定,乃有荆州驻防之设,“三孽既平,车书混—。荆州势处上游,滇黔巴蜀往来所必经,始定驻防之制”。 荆州驻防八旗,由满、蒙八旗组成。其额定兵数为四千,高时达五千余员。康熙五十七年,“共甲兵五千名”。后多次分拨兵员往成都、江宁,杭州等地,当地兵员缺额由余丁中挑选,补足四千之额数。后来,实际兵员,加上养育兵、余兵等项合计,“共七千二百二十八名”。其中,官员亦有定制,“康熙二十二年驻防原设将军一     

满洲八旗驻防乌鲁木齐与满城的建立

18世纪中叶,清朝统一了新疆。为巩固统一、加强西北边防、保持社会稳定,清政府从甘肃的凉州、庄浪等地调拨满洲八旗等官兵驻防乌鲁木齐,并在乌鲁木齐建立城池,由满洲八旗官兵驻守,遂形成满城。本文主要对驻防乌鲁木齐的满洲八旗、满城的建立,发展变化及影响作了探析。     

浅论福州八旗驻防“国语骑射”的保持

清代福州八旗驻防自康熙十九年(1680年)设立以后,面对远离自己统治中心的八旗军队,为防止本民族人民因自身优越的地位和在驻防地长期处于福州当地汉人的包围下丢失满族固有的骑射传统和语言文字,因而满清统治者在福州驻防内十分重视"国语骑射"的保持。     

论清代东北驻防八旗的兴衰

有清一代,今东北三省是皇朝八旗兵诞生的故土。顺治帝入关和完成全国大一统后,东北管理体制异于内地行省,东北驻防八旗体制即是它的显著特点之一。自顺治十年五月东北开始建治后,东北驻防体制非但没有削弱,反而逐渐加强完善,成为有清一代全国四大类驻防八旗中最典型的区域,驻防兵力约占全国驻防八旗总数的37.8％,是清代东北唯一的一支国家“经制兵”。光绪三十三年创建东北三省裁撤驻防将军,宣统元年各专城副都统裁撒完毕,方废止了东北驻防体制,新式陆军和巡防队成为东北主要军事力量。本文试图从“兵备”角度论述东北驻防体制形成过程及其各阶段的主要特征,探讨其衰落的诸种因素,求诸斧正。 (一) 顺治元年至康熙二十二年(1644—1683)为东北驻防体制创立时期。先柳条边内后边外,从南往北逐渐建立专城驻防,增添八旗兵额,但随应性较大并无定制,名额、驻城“初无定限”。     

《竹书纪年》与晋唐间的史学

西晋初年出土的《竹书纪年》不但补充了传世文献的记载,更因其内容与儒家经典在叙述与认识上的差异,激发了人们对史学自身的反思。晋唐之际的学者利用《纪年》核准文献、考证史实,同时也引起了关于经史关系、史体史例、疑古证经等一系列问题的探究,从而对晋唐间史学的发展带来了深刻的影响。     

汉唐受降城与胡汉交融

受降城地处胡汉分界,又为游牧、农耕民族经济交汇之要区,因而在汉唐时期的民族关系中发挥了重要作用。受降城在唐诗及汉唐文献中多有出现,因其独特的地理位置,中原王朝与西北少数民族或战或和的民族关系皆在受降城留下了历史烙印,因而利用唐诗及汉唐文献对其进行考证,以窥当时之民族关系,实有必要。     

Hayden White (and the Content and the Form and Everyone Else) at the AHA

The special session at the January 1997 annual meeting of the American Historical Association honoring the achievement of Hayden White and examining the impact and influence of his work on the historical discipline was an enlightening experience, at least to this participant, in many more ways than had been planned or promised. The session itself, albeit fairly routine by the standard of such occasions, seemed to take on a meta-narrative of its own as each of the speakers (not excluding the honoree who was present and participating) confidently spoke at length, proceeding from deep premises which bore no relation to any of the others. My own initial anticipation that this event would produce limited variations on a coherent theme—the impact of the linguistic turn and of narrative theory in particular on the practice and self-definition of academic history—turned gradually to rather disconcerted bemusement, especially when my turn came to listen to myself.
My previous engagement to report on the AHA session in a paper for the Center for the Humanities at Wesleyan University became an opportunity to confide some of my freshest reactions to the event in a fairly small and very select audience. Narrating the ephemeral metanarrative I perceived as spinning itself out over the blunter facts of the AHA occasion, turned out to be the inner topic of my Wesleyan paper (this present essay), not excluding the mysterious impulses of the audience and the existential atmosphere of the never to be forgotten Princess Ballroom.     

朝野纠葛:北京政府时期的舆论与外交--以关税特别会议为个案的考察

关于北京政府时期的外交,尽管学术界近来已开始有了较为客观的评价,不过对于其背后因素的考察还有待深入。实际上,在北京政府时期,由于特殊的时代背景,各种社会舆论被全面动员起来,以汹涌澎湃之势冲击着外交这一特殊的政治领域,从而形成了近代史上国民外交的黄金时期。于是,由于中央政府统治的虚弱,在其决策者进行外交运作时,就处处受到来自舆论界的影响,这是一个极为明显的历史特色,通过对当时舆论的考察,就会更深层次地探究北京政府外交的两难境地。笔者在考察时,主要以关税特别会议为个案,以上海舆论为核心,以《申报》、《东方杂志》等报刊为第一手资料。     

The Association of the Lady and the Unicorn,and the Hunting Mythology of the Caucasus

Written evidence from the hunting folk literature of the Caucasus is presented together with the suggestion that the origin of the unicorn lies in hunting mythology and that remnants of it are to be seen in the figures in "The Lady and the Unicorn" tapestries in France.     

张继与第一次国共合作

张继是中国近现代史上一位极其复杂与富于传奇色彩的历史人物。他是清末中国最早的留日学生,又是中国最早的无政府主义者。更为重要的是,他是最早投身辛亥革命的民主战士与同盟会的发起人,是中国国民党著名的元老,因而曾被毛泽东誉为“中国革命的老辈”~①。就是这样一个人,在１９２２－１９２７年国共两党第一次合作与破裂的过程中,曾起过非常重要又非常复杂、极富典型意义的作用。他先是积极倡导,奔走联络,鼓吹不遗余力;但曾几何时,他又带头发难,肆行破坏,锋芒毕露,变化迅速,前后判若两人。可以说,再没有一个人象张继那样…     

Australia and the promise and the perils of humanitarian diplomacy

ABSTRACT

Humanitarian diplomacy has always been a crucial element of humanitarianism, however it is now becoming a more prominent element of states’ foreign policies. It holds many attractions and much promise. It provides states with a way of expressing important qualities of international empathy and solidarity and can also enhance a state’s international reputation and provide valuable means for building relationship of trust and cooperation. This can in turn can be conducive to a state’s broader foreign policy objectives. However, there are also perils to the incorporation of humanitarian diplomacy into a state’s foreign policy. It can generate ambiguity and even conflict within a state’s diplomatic endeavours due to tensions between humanitarian and broader national interests. In exploring these issues it is useful to distinguish between humanitarian diplomacy and humanitarianism as diplomacy. This article explores these issues in relations to Australia’s diplomacy. It argues that Australia has actively engaged in humanitarian diplomacy and humanitarianism as diplomacy. Whilst the two are often complementary, there are areas in which they have been in tension and even at odds. This has implications for Australia’s international reputation but also for its capacity to undertake genuine and effective humanitarian action.     

Charles the bold and the crusade: politics and propaganda

The pressures on Charles the Bold (duke of Burgundy from 1467 to his death in 1477) to lead, or lend his support to, a crusade were many. His Italian allies and the papacy all pleaded for his help and participation; and these appeals were augmented by the exhortation contained in much of the literature popular at the Burgundian court and by the presence there of refugees from the East.Charles's response was mixed. Political and moral pressures made it impossible for him to ignore the question of the crusade, but, even if his attitude should be characterized as cautious rather than as indifferent, he never did go on crusade. Equally, however, he repeatedly justified his comparative inaction and, at the same time, made propaganda against his enemies by suggesting that their hostility alone prevented him from embarking on an expedition to drive back the infidel.This response, since it was not untypical of the princes of his generation, helps explain the West's failure to unite against the Turks. From the point of view of Burgundian history, Charles's cautious attitude towards the crusade tends to support the revisionists who argue that he was far less ‘rash’ than the traditional historical view allows.     

Charles the bold and the crusade: politics and propaganda

The pressures on Charles the Bold (duke of Burgundy from 1467 to his death in 1477) to lead, or lend his support to, a crusade were many. His Italian allies and the papacy all pleaded for his help and participation; and these appeals were augmented by the exhortation contained in much of the literature popular at the Burgundian court and by the presence there of refugees from the East.Charles's response was mixed. Political and moral pressures made it impossible for him to ignore the question of the crusade, but, even if his attitude should be characterized as cautious rather than as indifferent, he never did go on crusade. Equally, however, he repeatedly justified his comparative inaction and, at the same time, made propaganda against his enemies by suggesting that their hostility alone prevented him from embarking on an expedition to drive back the infidel.This response, since it was not untypical of the princes of his generation, helps explain the West's failure to unite against the Turks. From the point of view of Burgundian history, Charles's cautious attitude towards the crusade tends to support the revisionists who argue that he was far less ‘rash’ than the traditional historical view allows.