“一带一路”沿线国家文化研究之泰国文化研究综述

泰国与中国在地理上是近邻关系,有着近2000年的友好交往历史。1975年7月1日,中华人民共和国和泰王国正式建立外交关系,揭开了中泰关系的新篇章。中泰两国在政治、经济、文化、旅游等各个领域频繁交流,相互促动和发展。中国"一带一路"的战略构想中,泰国作为不可或缺的国家,占有着重要地位。因此,对泰国文化的研究将成为"一带一路"文化研究的重要一环。     

欧洲区域聚落形态研究

2009年4期我们译介了"区域聚落形态考古"一文,里面对欧洲的聚落考古也有涉及。这篇文章详细介绍了欧洲聚落考古的成功经验,可以为我们提供更加详尽的国际视野。需要重申的是,"聚落"(settlement)并非仅指我们所习用的"村落"或"聚居村落"概念,而是指过去不同时空中人类所有活动点位组成的网络系统。与中国的学术传统相似,欧洲有较为悠久的依赖文献和艺术的古典考古学和以编年为目的的文化历史考古学研究史。到目前为止,欧洲大多数国家仍将考古学看作是重建历史的手段。欧洲的聚落考古与北美的聚落考古略有不同,北美侧重用环境考古的文化生态学方法(过程论)来研究人地关系,而欧洲则偏好文化观念和象征考古的后过程方法来研究人地关系,这便有了"景观考古学"的独特路径。由于欧洲比北美有更长的古人类演化史和更显赫的文明史,所以聚落考古成为研究考古学三大战略性课题——人类起源、农业起源和文明国家起源的极佳手段,而且成果显赫。从本文的介绍中,我们可以了解当今的聚落考古是如何来观察和了解这些重大历史转折,追溯社会复杂化具体轨迹的。读了这两篇介绍国际聚落考古现状的文章,我们可以得出这样的认识,聚落考古已成为当代考古学一个全方位、综合性的探索领域,它可以将考古学各流派、不同领域、不同课题及学科交叉手段纳入其中,以便从微观和宏观的多维视角,重建过去人类社会和文化变迁的具体轨迹,并对促使人类社会转变的原因提出可信的解释。就此而言,欧美聚落考古的目标是完全相同的,而且也与中国考古学重构国史的期待不谋而合。     

晚清对外关系中的"一个外交两种体制"现象刍议

晚清时期在对外关系领域,不仅在事实上确曾存在着传统与近代两种不同体制外交关系共存的客观现象,而且在制度层面负责处理对西方国家近代条约关系之新型机构与主管对周边朝贡国家关系事务的传统对外关系机构,也曾至少共存半个世纪以上的时间.在朝贡关系体制的边缘亦即周边朝贡国家如近代朝鲜,也曾出现极为类似的所谓"两截体制"局面与制度."一个外交两种体制"在晚清时期不仅是在朝贡关系体制的中心与边缘普遍存在的一个客观现象和事实,而且也是清政府统治集团在对外关系制度层面非制度性地因应上述客观变化的结果,本质上则可以说是晚清对外关系近代转型过程中所出现的一个过渡性现象与特征.     

论欧洲认同和欧洲一体化中的认同问题

欧洲在历史上曾经有过以基督教为基础的文化上的同一性,但并非完全意义上的"欧洲认同".近代以来,民族国家的认同成为欧洲人们的主要和基本的认同.当代欧洲一体化中始终存在是否坚持民族特性/认同的斗争,一体化进程没有取消民族国家认同,也没有形成真正超越民族国家的欧洲认同.但是,欧洲民族国家的认同发生了变化,变得具有开放和兼容性.这对于当今时代人们对待"认同"问题,具有启示意义.     

欧洲文化线路发展概述

"欧洲文化线路"由欧洲委员会于1984年提出并于1987年正式施行,其目标为"以文化合作的形式提升对欧洲一体化和文化多元化的认同,保护欧洲文化的多样性,鼓励文化间的交流,协助调解地区矛盾"。经过四十余年理论研究与实践,"欧洲文化线路"计划在文化线路的管理体系、标准设立、资金筹措以及与其他国际组织相关项目合作等方面形成了一套完整成熟的体系。体系、主题、形式的多元化构成了欧洲文化线路最大特点。"欧洲文化线路"以推动新兴旅游业(如文化游、体验游等)促进当地发展,对欧洲地区的遗产保护和地区发展具有深远意义。     

从文化的视角剖析欧洲反美主义

反美主义是欧洲一种历史很悠久的传统,一直是萦绕在美欧关系上的一道无法消除的深深"阴影",归根结底是因为欧洲文化精英很难在文化上认同美国。在欧洲反美主义概念中,"欧洲"一词不再是个地理范畴,而是反映西欧文明的意识形态概念。欧洲反美主义具有本地区的特性,这可以追溯到欧洲人的文化优越感,但美国的"国际性"本质显然促使了欧洲文化精英把这种优越感转化为一套反美话语和实际抵制行为。他们的反美主义"话语"存在着对美国的虚构或不切实际的内容,对欧洲公众认识美国产生了很大的影响。     

《文化研究理论》

<正>何平、张旭鹏著,社会科学文献出版社2014年11月版。该书探讨了作为分析性范畴的"文化"概念在西方和中国语境中的形成与演变,并对全球化时代的"文化杂交"现象与中国古代的"和而不同"观念进行了比较。在此基础上,该书论述了文化与文明教化、文化与人格、文化与现代性和后现代性的关系,并对文化作为一种研究视角在欧洲历史以及一般意义上的历     

新时期中国文化外交兴起的必然

文化是国际竞争中备受关注的“软力量”。文化外交作为一个国家总体外交的重要组成部分越来越引起人们的重视。文化外交包括双边和多边文化交流、留学生培养、语言推广和媒体信息交流等活动。文化外交与公共外交关系密切,但又有所侧重。中国拥有悠久的对外文化交流的历史,改革开放以来,我国文化外交在配合国家整体外交,提升文化的国际影响力,宣传中国和平发展理念以及树立良好国家形象等方面发挥了重要的作用。尽管我国的文化外交仍处在一个初级阶段,对外文化交流的潜力还没有得到充分发挥,但是潜力巨大的中国文化外交必将在新世纪有着广阔的发展前景。     

中国与海湾国家关系的历史变迁

正中国与海湾地区国家关系的发展深受国际体系、地区格局的影响,同时也与自身外交战略的调整密不可分。在冷战时期,中国与海湾国家的关系深受冷战体制的影响,海湾政策主要取决于中国与美苏两个超级大国的关系,海湾地区格局变化和中国自身的战略调整对中国的海湾政策也有一定的影响。20世纪50~60年代,中国与1958年革命后的伊拉克建立了外交关系;70年代,开     

集体行动视角下的村落“龙脉”信仰——基于J省若干个案的研究

"龙脉"是中国农村传统文化之一,其对农民心理及集体行动产生了重要影响。然而,"龙脉"信仰的边缘性及其对农民集体行动的深刻影响,一方面表明乡村治理所面临的复杂局面;另一方面也凸显了国家在乡村社会的合法性危机。在国家主流文化与"龙脉"文化的冲突中,基层政府角色十分尴尬:既要维护国家主流意识形态的主导地位,却又难以抵御包括"龙脉"信仰在内的各种亚文化的影响。故调整国家文化战略、构建包容性的文化标志,是增强国家治理能力的现实需要。     

中共对外政策和新中国外交史研究的起步与发展

中外关系史是新中国成立之后才建立起来的一个分支学科 ,对中共对外政策和中华人民共和国外交史的研究基本是在改革开放之后才开展的。本文简要回顾了中外关系史研究领域的拓展过程 ,介绍了有关中共对外政策和中华人民共和国外交史的史料情况 ,对近年来中外关系史研究中出现的一些热点问题作了述评 ,涉及的时间范围从解放战争时期起至“文化大革命”结束。本文的最后一部分指出了当前有关研究工作存在的不足。     

Beyond the Foreign Office Papers: The Making of an International Historian

This article reflects on the changing discipline of diplomatic history/international history through the author's own experience in the field since the 1950s. It also draws wider lessons about the craft, especially the importance of understanding the people behind the papers – illustrated with vignettes of diplomats whom the author interviewed, including Harold Nicolson, William Strang and Owen O'Malley. Woven into this is some discussion of the author's own books, especially those on the pre-1914 Foreign Office, Britain and the origins of the First World War and, most recently, her two volumes on Europe's international relations between the world wars.     

学术转型期的民国史研究--中华民国史国际学术讨论会纪要

2002年8月21－23日在北京举行了“中华民国史国际学术讨论会”。从提交此次会议的论文可以看出近年来民国史研究的几个基本特征：民国政治史在致力于突破,民国外交史因新史料的出现而凸现新意,民国社会史的研究日益深化,民国经济史的研究更加细化,民国思想文化与教育史领域的研究在不断拓宽,民国史料的不断发掘与学术史研究的重视。     

Herbert Butterfield, the English School and the Civilizing Virtues of Diplomacy

This article seeks to establish the elements of a diplomatic theory of international relations and argues that this is implicit in the works of Herbert Butterfield on international relations, historiography, diplomatic history and Christian ethics. As a founding member of the British Committee on the Theory of International Politics, Butterfield shared with his colleagues the conviction that diplomacy and diplomatic systems lie at the heart of what happens, might happen and ought to happen in international relations. Like his colleagues, however, he failed to produce a work on diplomacy that attracted the sort of attention garnered by their work in other areas, for example on international systems and societies. Indeed, his own theoretical work on diplomacy is often regarded as a blind alley exhibiting nostalgia for the 'old diplomacy' of eighteenth-century Europe or a fatal attraction towards the more scientistic elements of political realism. It is argued, however, that in the broader corpus of Butterfield's work there is to be found a theory of diplomacy advocating self-restraint and charity towards others based upon recognizing both our common humanity and the impossibility of achieving a full understanding of one another. For Butterfield, this would have been a theory applied to states; but, employing one of Butterfield's own techniques for interrogating dead historians, it is argued that this holds up as a theory of how to conduct relations between groups that regard themselves as distinctive, hold their separation from one another to be a good and, hence, value their independence.     

Pieces of the Puzzle: The Role of lu. N. Danilov and M. V. Alekseev in Russian War Planning before 1914

International historians have long been fascinated by public opinion and its influence on policy-making, citing it frequently as one of the many factors that inform foreign-policy choices. However, historians – and international historians in particular – have yet to develop any substantial or rigorous methodological frameworks capable of revealing the actual influence of popular opinion at the highest levels of diplomatic policy. This article intends to redress this deficiency by outlining a methodological approach that elucidates the role of public opinion in the decision-making process. In so doing, it will also explore the tensions between different approaches to the study of international history, notably the apparent divergence between traditional ‘diplomatic’ history on the one hand and the more theoretically diffuse ‘international’ history on the other. The conceptual framework forwarded here will suggest that the two approaches need not be in opposition, at least when seeking to explain the formative role of public opinion on foreign-policy making. Indeed, the careful application of inter-disciplinary theoretical frameworks not only enriches our understanding of international history in its totality, but also reveals much about the diplomatic fulcrum of our discipline.     

Diplomatic Relations between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century

The diplomatic relations between Russia and the Ottoman Empire of the second half of the eighteenth century are a crucial part of the foreign policy of both powers and represent one of the most important and interesting topics in European political history. This article is devoted to a study of the specifics of Russo-Ottoman diplomatic ties in the context of the evolution of international relations from the time of the ending of the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) to the signing of the Peace Treaty of Jassy (1792).     

Australia's diplomatic asylum initiative at the United Nations: comparing international law rhetoric with foreign policy practice

In 1974, Australia took the initiative to have an item on diplomatic asylum inscribed on the UN General Assembly's agenda for that year. Its original ambition was to procure an international treaty on the subject. This article traces the history of that initiative from its inception to the acknowledgement seven years later that it had come to nothing. It also investigates the impact that Australia's initiative at the UN had on its foreign policy practice in relation to diplomatic asylum through two administrations: the Whitlam government (5 December 1972–11 November 1975) and the Fraser government (11 November 1975–11 March 1983). It demonstrates that, while the initiative generated a great deal of bureaucratic work, it wrought no real change in Australia's practice on the ground.     

毛泽东与新中国谈判建交的开创

谈判建交是新中国独立自主外交的一项重要实践,是毛泽东将中华民族争取独立、平等和获得尊重的努力与国际法相结合的一次成功创新。毛泽东不仅是谈判建交的首倡者,而且在具有开创意义的中国同印度和英国的建交谈判中,扮演了决策者、设计者和领导者的角色,起到了举足轻重的关键作用。     

A New Diplomatic History and the Networks of Spanish Diplomacy in the Baroque Era

Diplomatic history has undergone profound alterations during the last century. According to the old model built by Mattingly in 1955, diplomatic history was the analysis of international and political relations within a national context. Subsequent studies analysed how diplomacy evolved towards a more institutionalised and professional scheme (established in eighteenth-century European diplomacy). However, was this conclusion an inevitable one for Early Modern and Baroque diplomacy? This essay intends to retrace the steps that have been taken towards a new history of diplomacy, by early-modern historians in general, and by Spanish historiography in particular, as well as to assess the idea that what made a difference for Spanish Baroque diplomacy was the extent of networks that allowed cultural transference, the capacity to influence others, rather than the institutional extent of connections and practices. Which people or processes promoted the circulation of ideas, information, and culture, within and outside the Spanish monarchy, during the seventeenth century? This question will form the focus of the second part of this essay, in which the author analyses several specific cases of Spanish ambassadors in Europe: their networks of communication, their building of stereotypes, their informal diplomatic practices, and their use of ceremonial practices.     

中国对日邦交正常化战略的历史评析

通过对20世纪50～70年代初中国对外战略的历史考察,可以发现中国对日邦交正常化战略发挥了关键作用。中国政府在防止日本军国主义复活原则的基础上,首倡"以民促官"及"官民并举"的基本方针,提出正确对待历史问题并放弃战争赔偿,并采取"先美后日、以美促日"的外交战略于1972年实现了中日邦交正常化,取得了继中美发表《上海公报》后的又一外交胜利。虽然中国对日邦交正常化战略在实施过程中历经曲折,但它兼具现实性和灵活性,体现了以"和谐"为核心的政治文化,在中国外交史上占有重要地位。