“平等派”的科学工艺观

在社会主义、共产主义思想史上,许多流派都论述过科学、工艺与社会发展的关系。不妨说,科学工艺观的进步程度往往是各个流派进步和成熟程度的一个尺度。共产主义思想史研究者往往忽视这一重要方面。 大革命是18世纪法国空想共产主义思想的发展进程的分水岭。在空想共产主义思想水平方面,以巴贝夫为代表的“平等派”比大革命前的摩莱里等人有了突破性提高。他们对科学和工艺的不同态度也有很大差别。     

法国大革命1792年宣战动因析论

本文从分析外部因素和内部因素着手,探讨了大革命时期法国对奥地利宣战的动因问题。本文认为,《皮尔尼茨宣言》并不对大革命构成实质性的威胁;逃亡贵族的政治活动是大革命的心腹之患;宣战不是少数人的阴谋;大革命的政治文化现象推进了法国的宣战。     

略论1787—1788年法国贵族与专制王权的冲突

1787—1788年法国贵族与专制王权之间的冲突是大革命前夕法国发生的一次重要历史事件。我国史学界对此至今尚无专论。本文试从这次冲突的基本过程、原因、性质及其与法国大革命的关系等方面对这一问题略作探讨。一为了更好地分析这场冲突的性质及其与法国大革命的关系,简要概述一下这场冲突的基本过程很有必要。这场冲突的导火线是18世纪末法国的财政危机和财政总监卡隆的改革,它以显贵会议的召开为开始的标志,以专制政府答应召开三级会议为结束的标志,其间经历一个演变的过程。     

中国法国史研究会组团赴法学术活动综述

2003年金秋,中国法国史研究会一行六人应巴黎大学法国大革命研究所和维济尔法国大革命博物馆之邀,赴法国作学术交流。先后在两地与法国同行一起参加了法国大革命史学术报告会和研讨会。学术活动围绕“社会化史”、“政治史”、“中国的法国大革命史研究和教学”三个论题展开。     

情感史视野下的法国大革命

法国大革命的情感史研究旨在关注人们行为背后的情感因素,通过挖掘革命亲历者书写的大量日记和书信等历史文献,探讨人们所经历的欣悦、爱、恐惧、愤怒以及憎恨等具体情感,为认识革命时期的暴力与恐怖现象提供了全新的视角。革命初期人们表达了强烈的欣悦与博爱等情感,但新的平等观念很快遭到贵族与教士阶层的反对,这种愿望受挫与被背叛的感觉形成了独特的"阴谋"恐惧,致使整个社会谣言四起,进而引发愤怒与憎恨的情感。除了研究各种具体情感之间的相互作用,法国大革命情感史还着眼于不同社会群体之间在情感方面的差异及其相互影响、情感与行为之间的关系等,并与其他各国的重要革命进行比较研究,以期更加深入地认识法国大革命乃至18世纪法国文化的情感特性。     

法国共和二年非基督教化的研究

国内法国大革命史学界对非基督教化问题以前似很少论及,对有关的研究状况亦不甚了了。本文意欲以非基督教化为线索,对它与革命本身的关系、特点、影响等一些问题展开深入的综合分析研究,试图从一个新的侧面来对法国大革命作一次再认识。     

法国大革命时期的特派员浅析

特派员一职是法国大革命时期政权建设的一个独特而又重要的组成部分,它为保证法国大革命的顺利进行发挥了积极作用,在大革命政治史上占有重要地位。但是,史学界对此尚无专论。本文试图从特派员一职的历史演进、权力变化及其对法国大革命的积极作用和消极影响四个方面对这一问题做初步的探讨。     

从现代化的角度考察法国大革命——评马生祥著《大革命与现代化》

马生祥著《大革命与现代化》(中国档案出版社1998年版)一书有一个副题：“1789—1830年的法国”。这表明作者要考察的是一个长时段，它已不限于我们通常所说的1789—1799年的10年法国大革命，而是把资产阶级最终稳固地夺取政权和法国现代化最终启步、法国经济开始起飞，作为法国大革命的完整过程来考察，时间跨度从旧制度末期一直延伸到19世纪中叶。     

全球史与跨国史:法国革命研究的新动向

新世纪以来,全球史与跨国史的范式被应用于法国革命史研究,相关成果层出不穷,为学术传统悠久的大革命史学注入了新的活力。全球史与跨国史视野下的法国革命史研究侧重从全球经济的发展、殖民地与法国本土的互动、帝国间的全球竞争、跨国启蒙运动等角度探讨革命的起源以及发展动力问题。在20世纪后期的革命史学中,以经济与社会因素为中心的正统派逐渐让位于强调意识形态与政治文化的修正派。新近出现的全球史与跨国史范式,在保留政治与文化因素的同时,试图在更广阔的空间内重新考察经济与社会结构问题之于大革命的意义。本文通过爬梳相关著述,探析全球视野下的法国革命起源学说,解读殖民地与大革命的关联,归纳全球转向下不同法国革命史研究路径的特征与得失。     

财政问题与法国大革命

财政问题与法国大革命刘大明财政问题及各执政党派实行的财政政策对大革命产生了什么影响？对于这一课题,国内史学界尚无专文论及,本文拟对此作一初步探讨。国家财政亏空是法国大革命爆发的直接导火线。此后,财政状况更加恶化,成为旧制度留给大革命的最棘手的难题。历...     

Louis XVI,the Court of the Tuileries,and the Corps Diplomatique 1789–91

The French Revolution sought to erect an edifice which would bridge the chasm between ancien regime realpolitik and a more idealistic vision of international relations based on natural law. The deputies of the Constituent Assembly, despite their noble intentions, failed to do so. They ended up hurtling into an all-too-familiar vortex, where appeals to natural law hid naked military aggression and strategic egocentrism. Whether this outcome was inevitable or contingent on circumstances continues to pose a dilemma for historical writing on the early Revolution. This article explores the question from the unmined perspective of the foreign Ambassadors resident in Paris during the French Revolution. It uses their unpublished despatches and French police reports to shed new light on the French Revolution's alienation from the international relations system of the ancien regime.     

塔列朗与法兰西近代民族国家的建立

法兰西近代民族国家建立的进程,开始于1789年的法国大革命,结束于1830年的七月革命。塔列朗的政治活动贯穿于这一进程的始终。他在大革命期间,推动教会资产国有化,参与起草《人权宣言》;在督政府时期,以较新的外交理念促成法国外交部的改革;在拿破仑帝国时期,参与了重要条约的谈判,并力图遏制拿破仑的称霸政策;在波旁王朝复辟时,起草了“1814年宪章”,尽力维护大革命的成果;在七月革命中,抛弃了复辟王朝,支持承认大革命现实的路易.菲利浦登上王位,并出任驻英大使出席伦敦会议,为解决欧洲重大外交问题付出了努力。事实证明,他并非如一般史家所描述的那样,是一个以自身利益为行为准则,没有信仰的政治变色龙,而是一个以法兰西民族国家利益为行为准则的政治家。他为法兰西近代民族国家的建立做出了重大贡献。     

French Revolutionary Transformations of Diplomatic Practice: The Case of Franco–Ottoman Relations, 1792–17971

Abstract

This article focuses on questions of rupture and continuity in European international relations around 1800, taking French revolutionary diplomatic practice in the Ottoman Empire as a case in point. Historians who have studied the conduct of French revolutionary diplomacy tend to emphasize the ruptures in revolutionary diplomatic practice. The analysis of Franco-Ottoman alliance negotiations (1792–1797) does not fully match with this assessment. Although it is certainly true that the Revolution led to great alterations in French diplomatic culture, French diplomats were often far from discarding all diplomatic conventions. The article gives a short overview over the diplomatic agents working for the French embassy and their reactions to the Revolution in France. It then presents the Ottoman reaction to the regime change in France, in particular with regards to the transition from monarchy to republic. The main focus is on the question of innovation and continuity in diplomatic practice and on the self-representation of the new French state.     

The Jacobinism and patriotism of Ernest Belfort Bax

This article examines Ernest Belfort Bax's interpretation of the French Revolution and traces the impact that his idea of the Revolution had on his philosophy and his political thought. The first section considers Bax's understanding of the Revolution in the context of his theory of history and analyses his conception of the Revolution's legacy, drawing particularly on his portraits of Robespierre, Marat and Babeuf. The second section shows how the lessons Bax drew from this history shaped his socialist republicanism and discusses his support for Jacobin methods of revolutionary change. The third section of the article looks at the ways in which Bax's reading of revolutionary history affected his internationalism and shows how his ‘anti-patriotism’ led him to support the Anglo-French campaign in 1914. I argue that the Bax's understanding of the French Revolution gave body to his philosophy and greatly influenced his understanding of the socialist struggle. Bax believed that socialists had history on their side, but was so emboldened by the idea of the Revolution that he was led to advance a view of socialist change that undermined the historic values that socialism was supposed to enshrine.     

Vienna and the Jews, 1867–1938: A cultural history

This article examines Ernest Belfort Bax's interpretation of the French Revolution and traces the impact that his idea of the Revolution had on his philosophy and his political thought. The first section considers Bax's understanding of the Revolution in the context of his theory of history and analyses his conception of the Revolution's legacy, drawing particularly on his portraits of Robespierre, Marat and Babeuf. The second section shows how the lessons Bax drew from this history shaped his socialist republicanism and discusses his support for Jacobin methods of revolutionary change. The third section of the article looks at the ways in which Bax's reading of revolutionary history affected his internationalism and shows how his ‘anti-patriotism’ led him to support the Anglo-French campaign in 1914. I argue that the Bax's understanding of the French Revolution gave body to his philosophy and greatly influenced his understanding of the socialist struggle. Bax believed that socialists had history on their side, but was so emboldened by the idea of the Revolution that he was led to advance a view of socialist change that undermined the historic values that socialism was supposed to enshrine.     

Kåre Lunden,Frå svartedauen til 17. mai: 1350–1814 [From the Black Death to the 17th of May 1350–1814], edited by R. Almås. Vol. 2. Norges landbrukshistorie (Oslo: Samlaget, 2002). 456 pp. ISBN 82-521-5584-7.

The French nobility offers the peculiar case of a category that in a very short period of time went from the envied position of unquestioned natural elite of the kingdom to complete political irrelevance, passing through outright detestation during the Revolution. The Revolution destroyed the political power of the nobility but it can hardly be argued that it destroyed the nobility itself. In fact, the French nobility managed to survive as a separate and significant category in French society. Even in the absence of actual political control, elements specific to the nobility remained strongly associated with the notion of elite in every regime that followed the Revolution. This paper reviews the status of the nobility before, during, and after the Revolution. It argues that, paradoxically, the nobility owes its survival in large part to a reconstructed mystique which grew more attractive as the aristocracy was losing its actual political power. Finally, images of profligacy and decadence, very popular in the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries, preserved the exceptionality of the French nobility which thus presents to the historian the case of a remarkably resilient elite.     

The unique decline of mortality in revolutionary France

This article seeks to draw historians' attention to a neglected reconstruction of the French population and its mortality rates developed by the Institut National d'Etudes Démographiques in the 1970s. The reconstruction shows a sharp decline in French mortality rates, beginning in the 1790s and continuing through the 1820s. This conflicts with recent historiography stressing the negative effects of the Revolution. This article contends that the reconstruction is plausible and that the French mortality decline was unique in Europe in this period. In turn, this suggests that the Revolution had a much more favorable impact than many historians would have us believe.     

French radicalism through the eyes of John Stuart Mill

The paper attempts to highlight some under-researched aspects of the interaction between British and French radical political thinkers and activists during the period between the July Revolution of 1830 in France and the early years of the Third Republic. It focuses in particular on the decisive impact that the aftermath of the July Revolution of 1830 had for the perception of French politics by the most Francophile British radical, John Stuart Mill. In this context, Mill's astonishingly dense coverage of French affairs in The Examiner and the relation between that coverage and Mill's radical agenda at home are explored. The Revolution of February 1848 and the establishment of a Republic in France raised new hopes and led to a new round of Anglo-French radical co-operation and manifestations of fraternity. However, it was the frustration of the expectations raised by 1848 (fatally by the time of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's coup d’état in December 1851) that had the most profound effect on the perception of French radicalism outre-Manche. A detailed analysis of which French ‘radical’ parties, factions and personalities attracted Mill's sympathies and support from 1830 to the beginnings of the Third Republic is offered, along with the reasons why Mill was attracted by some of the people and factions in question and not by others. The paper winds up with a few comments on Mill's strenuous efforts to contribute to Anglo-French mutual understanding and fellow-feeling and his strategies to that effect.     

Die Französische Revolution im Spiegelbild. Die Reaktion der deutschen Ärzte auf die Revolution und das Revolutionieren

The German physicans and medical scientists reacted to the French Revolution in several ways, if you judge only from the medical literature:

• 1 At the beginning of the French Revolution, the scientist answered with still silence, whereas the young intellectual generation was filled with enthusiasm. But after the battle of Valmy (1792) this enthusiasm vanished and they resigned to execute an equal revolution in Germany.
• 2 When, in the middle of the 1790s, scientists gave commentaries on revolutionary acts, they despised the revolution itself. This could only destroy the old – and even better – order. They argued that you can have recourse to science to avoid the political and socially deranged situation.
• 3 This rejection against the political revolution was combined with a rejection against the influences of natural philosophy on medicine. Schelling's philosophy plays the role as an scientific revolution with all negative aspects like the political one. In this sense, the science in the old scientific manner has to be an accepted refuge.
• 4 But in this retreat they developed ideas of German national science to conteract on the French influences. The consciousness of nationalism was supported by the scientists of romantic movements.
• 5 The following degree is characterized by a mental leap. Now, they argued, it will never be necessary to revolutionize the medicine: in science all the ideals of French Revolution are realized – freedom, equality and fraternity.
• 6 Consequently, only in a formal sense did they respond to the French Revolution and so they avoided recognizing, that science is influenced politically and also science itself exercises on in a political way.

     

Conceiving the Republic of Mankind: The Political Thought of Anacharsis Cloots

During the French Revolution, Jean-Baptiste “Anacharsis” Cloots (1755–1794) developed a theory of the world state as the means to guarantee perpetual peace for mankind. Though his ideas have largely been misunderstood, Cloots's political writings were in fact an extensive plea for a more cosmopolitan understanding of the French Revolution. His system adapted institutions and concepts of the French revolutionary republic for a world state, the republic of mankind. This essay recovers his political vision and connects it both to the heritage of eighteenth-century political thought, especially Rousseau, and to revolutionary political culture. The goal is to retrieve the meaning of Cloots's universal republic, and with it a chapter in the history of cosmopolitan thought.