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1.
20世纪50年代中国农业机械化的进程,不仅是以农业机械为主的\"技术下乡\"的过程,也是改造农民传统思想、形塑与农业机械化相适应的新农民,进而完成\"思想下乡\"的意识形态社会化的过程。在农业机械化的实践中,国家将对新农民的塑造嵌入农业生产和农民生活中,以此整合农民思想观念、强化农民的集体观念、激发农民的主体观念、培养农民的科技观念,从而塑造了具有\"高度社会主义觉悟的、有技术、有文化、有全面才能\"的社会主义新农民。这一历史进程对\"十四五\"时期加强现代农业技术对农民思想的正向引导,以及对培育新型职业农民,均具有重要的历史借鉴意义。 相似文献
2.
Natalia Drannikova & Roald Larsen 《Acta Borealia: A Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies》2013,30(1):58-72
Abstract The objectives of this article are (1) to reveal the meaning (semantics) of the word “Chude” in Norwegian and Russian cultures; (2) to analyze Russian and Norwegian legends about the Chudes in order to define the main plot-constructing elements. When writing this article the authors used a synchronous and diachronous methods of analysis of material that was written down in a period that exceeds one and a half centuries. In etymological sense the word “Chude” (tsjude or Cud) can be derivative form from old Slavic form *tjudjo (strange, foreign) that can in its turn be borrowing from a Gothic or a German word that got the meaning “a nation” (folk). With the Sami the word “tshudde”/ “shutte” means an enemy, an adversary. The image of the Chudes has been preserved in Russian and Norwegian narrative traditions. Oral stories in Norway are called sagn. In Russian folkoristic narratives about the Chudes are traditionally called “predanie”. The ethnonym “Chude” has a collective meaning in Russian and Norwegian folklore. In Norwegian culture it means plunderers of different ethnical belonging who came from the East to plunder the local population in the Northern Norway. As the undertaken research has shown, this name could have been applicable to Russian, Finns, Karelians, Kvens and peoples speaking Nordic languages (Swedes). In the Russian cultural tradition the name “Chude” was used to name different Finno-Ugric peoples living in the North-West Russia before the Russians came there and who later assimilated with the Russians. The Kola Sami called Swedes and Norwegians who came to them from the west to plunder the Chudes. The existence of a people in the same name in the old times is not excluded. The research carried out by place name scientists reveals that this people could be related to the Baltic-Finnish group of peoples. The word Chude has historical and mythological aspects. Folk legends about the Chudes have “preserved” memories about the historical past of the northern region. Additionally this ethnonym contains conceptions of the world's binary character that are typical for archaic consciousness. Folk legends about the Chudes are widespread in the European North of Russia while plots about militant and plundering Chudes are localized in traditional Sami regions of Russia and Norway. In folk legends and sagn, the Russians and the Sami belong to one's “own” world, while the Chudes are associated with the concepts of the “strangers”. This nomination acquired the meaning “a stranger”, “a robber”. 相似文献
3.
面对东汉中后期的各种鄙风陋俗,王符吸收两汉"诸子"的"移风易俗"思想,通过分析民间的风俗事象,剖析政治与风俗之间的关系,打破传统的"以德化俗"思想,将法家思想引入"移风易俗"领域,形成了以"德法兼综"为原则的"变风易俗"思想。该思想包括"以德化俗""以法治俗""选贤易俗""重本抑末以易俗"四个方面,使得风俗秩序与政治秩序达到和谐与补益,对后世产生了深远的影响。但贪婪腐朽的统治者恰恰是这些鄙风陋俗的始作俑者,注定了他们难以践行"变风易俗"思想,要真正改善风俗就只能依靠改朝换代了。 相似文献
4.
本文探讨了长沙汉墓随葬品不同"动物"形象所蕴含的不同的人文观念,借用美术考古学家的"器物观念"概念,分析不同"动物"形象背后隐含的古人精神世界。笔者将"动物"形象分为现实动物形象、神话"动物"形象和"动物"组合形象三类,分析其所依次表现出的"事死如事生"的世俗观念、以龙凤为主的神话观念和"天地相协"的理想观念。 相似文献
5.
曾磊 《中国边疆史地研究》2020,(1):107-116,215
通过对“祖家将”这一关宁军中较为重要的武将集团在关宁军中地位之演变可知,天启年间“祖家将”在关宁军中的地位较低。袁崇焕督师辽东期间,祖大寿因战功擢升为总兵,在大凌河之战后,祖大寿的地位得以稳固,随即发展个人势力。但应看到,“祖家将”在关宁军中始终没有占据绝对主导地位,明廷对关宁军控制较深。因此,“家军”、“将门”的方式,不能完全用来揭示关宁军的性质,不能将关宁军简单界定为独立于明廷的军阀武装。 相似文献
6.
《东方研究杂志》2012,60(2):517-531
Christopher Beckwith has recently devoted two publications concerning the origin of the word for “monastery” in East Asia. The proposed Aramaic origin has met with criticism from two eminent authorities, Laurent Sagart and Alexander Vovin. While the present article is not interested in the debate per se, here renamed the “Beckwith Controversy,” it is important to discuss in more detail Beckwith’s view about the Chinese word si 寺 (monastery), its origin, and its reconstruction. It is concluded that, although very imaginative in its conclusions, Beckwith’s argument is methodologically opaque and, therefore, should be definitely abandoned in favour of more plausible solutions. 相似文献
7.
国家经济建设公债是解放初期继人民胜利折实公债后,新中国中央人民政府发行的第二次国内公债。从1954年至1958年连续发行5年,尽管发行规模较小,没有流通性,占国家预算收入比重不大,但它在国民经济基础十分薄弱的条件下,为顺利完成一五计划提供了部分资金保障。全国各阶级阶层都为公债的顺利发行发挥了重要的作用,体现了全国上下对新政权的高度认同和爱国热忱。 相似文献
8.
《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(1):13-30
From its very beginning, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had a shifting policy towards the bourgeoisie. Until the early 1940s, it maintained a relatively stable policy which successfully isolated the monied classes in China and helped it overthrow the rule of the KMT. But with the establishment of the new regime, the CCP Central Committee came under conflicting pressures: on the one hand it continued its former policy out of political expediency; on the other hand, based on traditional socialist political theory and Soviet experience, it kept a close watch on the bourgeoisie and even proposed targeting them as the chief enemy of next revolution. After the establishment of the PRC, as a result of the failing economy and the new government's lack of economic support and political experience, the CCP firmed up its policies on the bourgeoisie. However, with the bourgeoisie and capitalism still prominent elements in Chinese society, the communists became uncertain about which direction to take. As the CCP Central Committee had anticipated, officials of both the party and the government often gave way to corruption after taking over major cities. The Central Committee regarded this particular combination of money and power as a “violent attack” against the new communist regime by the bourgeoisie as a whole. In order to tighten its grip on national power, the Central Committee launched two anti‐corruption movements known as the Three‐Antis and the Five‐Antis. These movements were in fact aimed at the bourgeoisie as a whole, and succeeded in destroying the basis for capitalist business in the New China. Encouraged by this outcome, the CCP launched a policy of socialist transformation aimed at depriving Chinese capitalists of their means of production. Thus the CCP gradually and inevitably moved away from its original policy of cooperation with the national bourgeoisie. 相似文献
9.
在民初北大的人事变动中,朱希祖作为正牌章太严弟子先于他人入职,颇充当了排头兵的角色。其入职并未引起旧派人士的强烈反应,旧派众人其后渐次离开北大,与朱希祖并无直接关系,原因亦各自不同,但均对校长何燏时主政下北大未来的趋向怀有背离之感。虽然后来更多太炎门生进入北大,代替桐城派等旧派人士居于核心地位,但以历史的眼光加以评判,此番新旧更替实有"以旧易旧"的意味。这说明在民初数年里,新旧世界虽已有移形换位之势,但"新"、"旧"之间的关系还有些朦胧,其清晰的标准尚在确立与制定之中。 相似文献
10.
11.
20世纪50年代中后期至60年代中期,中国社会掀起了颇具声势与规模的关于"红专"问题的讨论。这一讨论的出发点是好的,但受"左"的思想影响,对"红"的概念界定不清,将"红"与"专"割裂对立开来,造成了人们认识上的很大混乱,教训深刻。 相似文献
12.
20世纪50年代中国共产党对社会和谐的初步探索 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
20世纪50年代中期开始,以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人,通过鲜活生动的社会实践、广泛深入的调查研究,总结、提出和创造了包括社会主义矛盾学说、《论十大关系》、“百花齐放,百家争鸣”方针以及加强和改善党的领导等科学理念,率先进行了建设社会主义、实现社会和谐的创造性探索,为全面建设社会主义和谐社会提供了历史借鉴。 相似文献
13.
Micha Roi 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2013,27(2):285-295
ABSTRACTMany biblical stories exhibit an intentional association between “subjective facts” deriving from the narrative and “objective facts” belonging to external historical reality. This article examines stories belonging to the “departure on a journey” pattern which contain references to objective facts which follow a virtually fixed formula and occur at a standard location in the narrative. Both the frequency with which these facts are adduced and their formulaic nature make it difficult to adopt external criteria such as those proposed by either of the two conventional models (aetiological and communication), suggesting rather an inner—literary—link between the two sets of facts. 相似文献
14.
Neil J. Diamant 《Frontiers of History in China》2014,9(1):83-101
This article proposes the concept of policy blending to improve our understanding of the densely interactive quality of political initiatives in early 1950s China. Using three cases studies, I argue that policy blending, defined as the process by which previous political experiences shaped the implementation and interpretation of those subsequent to them (sometimes in ways contrary to the government's intentions), occurred frequently during this period, to the extent that people's understanding of the first years of Chinese Communist Party rule cannot be separated from this phenomenon. Using examples from marriage registration, the Marriage Law and the national discussion of the 1954 draft Constitution, I advance the historiographical argument that the early 1950s should not be demarcated by, or taught mainly with reference to, "temporally encapsulated" policies with clear beginnings and ends (i.e., policy "a" occurred in year "b," followed by policy "c" in year "d"). Rather, policies seeped into each other, producing a blurry--but sometimes accurate--"impression" of state power. I further suggest that the concept of policy blending can be helpful in understanding subsequent political initiatives as well. 相似文献
15.
Tom Saunders 《Norwegian Archaeological Review》2013,46(2):129-135
The aim of this paper is to discuss a specific group of stamped gold foils with human representation from the late Scandinavian Iron Age (AD 550/600–800) from the perspective of size. The article argues that the framed gold foils embed sophisticated and multi-layered transformations that capture and echo basic principles of northern cosmology and belief systems related to Odin as the god for kings and his ability as a seer. 相似文献
16.
Li Gongzhong 《中国历史研究》2019,52(3-4):256-276
AbstractThe outbreak of the Korean March First Movement in 1919 was followed by intensive reporting and commentary in Chinese media, presenting striking images of the brutality of the Japanese colonizers, the resolve for independence among the Korean people, and the concept of national self-determination. The March First Movement provided the Chinese people with a vivid example of the transformation of the abstract concept of “universal principles” into the practice of “national self-determination,” and strengthened consciousness of “national independence” among the Chinese people. Over the ensuing two or three decades, the “March First Movement” gradually seeped into the Chinese nationalist movement and discourses on national liberation, playing the role of “the neighbor as mirror,” and continuing to provide both positive inspiration and negative reference points for the Chinese people following the path of national independence. This linkage and interaction between “weak nations” aids in understanding the modern Chinese nationalist movement, as well as the mechanisms for development of the national independence movements among colonized peoples which swept across the globe in the early 20th century. 相似文献
17.
徐日辉 《中国历史地理论丛》2005,20(4):44-48
秦襄公东进关中,在秦早期发展史上有着划时代意义。但就其东拓之路线,史书没有明确记载。笔者通过实地考察表明,秦襄公东进关中所走的路线是由甘肃张川县的秦邑,经秦家塬至陕西陇县汧邑的“秦汧道”。从秦邑到汧邑全程约113公里,其中甘肃境内约50公里,陕西境内约63公里,陇山山区约70余公里。 相似文献
18.
略论20世纪50年代中国的商业信用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
建国初期,我国商品交易中广泛存在着商业信用,商业信用制度是信用制度的重要组成部分。在建立苏联式的计划经济体制过程中,国家为了对资金流通与商品交易实行计划管理, 从1954年起强制取消了国营经济的商业信用,试图以国家银行信用制度取代商业信用制度。取消商业信用制度后,我国的信用制度出现缺失,虽然大量“非法”商业信用形式依然暗中存在,但信用制度的功能受到抑制,严重阻滞了社会资金的正常运行。 相似文献
19.
执政风险是党执政后面临的一个直接而现实的问题。毛泽东作为党的第一代中央领导集体的核心,首次从执政党角度提出了风险的概念。他正确判断出党的主要执政风险源在党内,科学分析了引发闹事问题的矛盾主导方面,提出大力加强党的作风建设,练好党抵御执政风险的内功。这些重要的思想和实践对于在新的历史条件下抵御执政风险仍具有重要指导意义。 相似文献
20.
前苏联和东欧社会主义各国从上个世纪 5 0年代前期开始的改革 ,基本上都是在原有模式框架内的修补和改良 ,真正对原有社会主义观念提出质疑并成功领导社会主义模式转型的是中国的邓小平 ,第二次世界大战后社会主义的历史由此进入了一个新的发展阶段 相似文献