无奈的选择：中苏同盟建立的曲折历程（1944—1950）

中苏结盟是一个曲折复杂的历史过程：由于缺乏信任,1944年中共和苏联都没有把对方作为战后合作伙伴的首选;1945年毛泽东在党内宣布苏联是中共的朋友,却遭到斯大林的白眼;1946一1948年苏共谨慎地援助中共建立起革命政权,但只限于中国北方地区;经过激烈的争论,并在毛泽东表示政治上的顺从后,斯大林决定支持中共夺取全国政权;斯大林在中苏民族利益的冲突中被迫做出重大让步,从而对毛泽东的忠诚和中苏同盟的可靠性产生怀疑;毛泽东在极端困难和矛盾的情况下,毅然决定出兵朝鲜单独对抗美国,避免了中苏同盟条约被束之高阁的命运。总之,中苏同盟并非出于意识形态的要求,尽管这是必不可少的条件;从中苏结盟的过程看,这种无奈的选择从一开始就埋下了同盟破裂的隐患。     

中苏条约谈判中的利益冲突及其解决

中苏之间在国家主权和经济利益方面的矛盾主要表现在新疆、蒙古和东北问题上。中苏谈判期间 ,斯大林做出两次重要让步 :一是在毛泽东的执意要求下同意废除旧条约 ,签订新条约 ;二是周恩来巧妙地把蒙古问题与东北问题拴在一起 ,迫使苏联同意按中国的要求归还中长铁路和旅顺港。中苏之间国家利益冲突的解决 ,一方面使中苏同盟关系得以在法律的基础上确立起来 ,另一方面也迫使斯大林调整对朝鲜半岛的政策 ,以保证苏联的亚洲利益 ,并能够继续其远东战略。     

同盟困境与美日同盟--日本的同盟政策分析

同盟是一个利益的共同体也是一个战争扩散的通道,同盟困境所显现的是同盟国间基于国家理性,围绕着利益、权力、地位等问题进行讨价还价的政策选择行为上的合作与冲突。本文以日美同盟的战后发展过程为主线,以美日政策互动为核心,考察了各个时期日本维系同盟政策行为的根源,并在同盟框架内对不同政策的相关性进行了部分梳理。     

中苏结盟与苏联对新疆政策的变化(1944-1950)

本文综合利用新疆地方档案馆、俄国档案馆、新疆党史研究室编写的历史资料以及有关当事人的回忆录,讨论了１９４４－１９５０年苏联对新疆政策的变化过程。第二次世界大战接近尾声的时候,中苏缔结了友好同盟条约。几年以后,中国政权发生更迭,而同盟关系则又上了一层楼。文章认为,在此期间,中苏双边关系中的新疆问题始终是十分微妙的,苏联对新疆的政策表面上看起来变化无常,时而与地方政府结好,时而同少数民族联合;时而鼓动独立,时而强调自治;时而支持国民党,时而援助共产党。但万变不离其宗,其根本目标是保持战后中苏之间的同盟关系,并在此基础上确保苏联在新疆地区的优势地位和特殊影响。在战后对华政策中,就其重要性而言,新疆排在蒙古和东北之后,故而成为苏联调整对华关系的外交筹码,这正是苏联对新疆政策时常改变的基本原因。     

《中苏友好同盟条约》与《中苏友好同盟互助条约》之比较

中苏两国于1950年2月14日签订的《中苏友好同盟互助条约》是新中国成立后对外签订的第一个双边关系条约。该条约的签订反映了人民革命胜利后,中华人民共和国与苏联之间建立了完全新型的关系,标志着中苏关系从此走向一个全面合作的历史时期。通过对《中苏友好同盟互助条约》与苏联同中国国民党政府在1945年8月14日签订的《中苏友好同盟条约》的比较来看,《中苏友好同盟互助条约》是中苏双方在充分协商、积极对话的基础上产生的,所强调的不仅是同盟,更是互助与合作。     

中苏同盟与新中国成立初期的对日政策

新中国成立初期,中国政府确立了"一边倒"的外交方针,并与苏联签订了《中苏友好同盟互助条约》。在对日政策上,中国政府在反对美国长期单独占领日本、反对旧金山片面对日媾和以及积极恢复中日邦交等方面与苏联政府一直保持着密切沟通与合作,制定出既保证本国利益,同时又体现出中苏同盟关系的对日政策。     

美国对中苏同盟的认识与反应

美国对中苏同盟的认识和反应 ,是其外交决策的重要内容之一。尽管中苏同盟从建立到破裂经历了较长时间 ,但是美国政府对同盟性质的认识没有发生根本性的变化 ,始终认为中国具有很大的独立性 ,中苏分裂迟早会出现。而美国针对中苏同盟所作出的应对政策在不同时期则有较大的差别 ,经过了“以和促变”向“以压促变”的转变。当中苏分裂成为现实后 ,美国政府反应迟钝 ,没有改变僵硬的对华政策。因此 ,中美间的紧张关系未能及时改善     

1945年中苏条约谈判中的外蒙古疆界问题

苏联为扩张其战后远东地区的势力范围,在《雅尔塔密约》中要求外蒙古独立.于是,中苏两国在1945年进行的《中苏友好同盟条约》谈判中,外蒙古问题成为一个焦点.这一问题包括两个层面,一是外蒙古独立问题,二是外蒙古疆界问题.但是,既往研究对外蒙古疆界问题的重视不够.其实,国民政府不仅在波茨坦会议期间,重提外蒙古疆界问题,而且在《中苏友好同盟条约》谈判、缔结过程中也对这一问题高度重视、处心积虑,使这一问题不仅在中苏谈判中为保护中方权益发挥筹码作用,而且在条约换文的规定中还为未来的疆界谈判留了余地.这一问题给国民政府与蒙古人民共和国之间的外交关系,以及后来的彼此疆界纠纷带来了一定影响.     

强权政治下的悲剧——1945年《中苏友好同盟条约》签订的内幕

《中苏友好同盟条约》签订于1945年8月14日。当时,第二次世界大战已经接近尾声,苏、美、英等国已着手安排战后世界的新秩序。在这种国际背景下签订的中苏条约,不可避免地被打上了强权政治的烙印。从条约内容来看,它基本上是《雅尔塔协定》中有关中国条款的延伸和具体化;而《雅尔塔协     

美国“大规模报复”战略与中苏交恶

"大规模报复"战略是美国的第一项核战略。这一战略以核武器作为维持现状的手段,向美国的冷战对手发出信号,要么维持现状,要么进行毁灭性核战争。中苏两国由于各自所处环境和战略利益存在差异,决定了中苏对于美国"大规模报复"战略的认识不尽相同,认识上的分歧必然会产生不同的政策选择。政策的差异引起了双方论争。这种论争背后体现的是双方国家利益的冲突,矛盾无法调和,最终成为中苏交恶的重要原因之一。     

Substantiating the cohesion of the post-cold war US–Japan alliance

Notwithstanding current disarray, the post-cold war US–Japan alliance has enjoyed its most cohesive status in its history. Japan altered its passive cold war alliance policy and became a more active and equal partner with the United States. Even though there exist many explanations of what has caused this cohesiveness, there is hardly any attempt to substantiate the level of alliance cohesion itself. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate the cohesion of this alliance by employing concrete operational indicators: homogeneity in goals, threat perception, strategic compatibility and command structure. By investigating how these operational indicators have changed over time, the author proves substantially that the post-cold war US–Japan alliance has developed more cohesively.     

More flexible,less coherent: NATO after Lisbon

At its 2010 Lisbon summit, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) took significant steps towards becoming a modern alliance. In the face of a changing security environment and divergent strategic interests among 28 members, NATO adapted its strategic concept and reformed its way of formulating strategy. The new strategic concept advances conflict management as a core task for the alliance. In combination with a greater emphasis on developing partnerships, NATO conceptually strengthened its profile as a global security actor. The summit also reflected a new approach to formulating NATO strategy by providing the Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen with a strong role in setting the strategic agenda. Indeed, he assumed a more supranational function rather than acting as a representative of all allies. But as the Libya operation demonstrates, NATO will struggle to maintain cohesion in an increasingly ‘polycentric’ alliance. While the focus on conflict management will make the alliance more flexible, it will also become a less coherent global security actor.     

‘General interests’ as a rationale for the US–Republic of Korea alliance between 1998 and 2008

The US–Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance had significantly developed asset specificities and common social identities attached to it during the cold war period. If institutional features and ideational factors originating from the cold war threat can account for alliance resilience in the post-cold war period, the US–ROK alliance should be a ‘most likely case’ to support those causal links. This article shows that such is not the case. This article, instead, argues that the US–ROK alliance went beyond being an instrument of threat response to becoming a more complicated mechanism for serving ‘general interests’ in relation to North-East Asian regional order maintenance and order-building, which drove the US–ROK alliance between 1998 and 2008.     

少数民族地区旅游发展的战略联盟与网络构建——以广东连南瑶族自治县为例

本文根据战略联盟和战略网络理论,以广东连南瑶族自治县为例,探讨了少数民族地区旅游发展的战略联盟与网络构建。文章认为连南县旅游发展战略联盟应考虑旅游的前竞争联盟、后竞争联盟和竞争性联盟,在此基础上,构建连南县的旅游战略网络。     

中国核武器的发展与中苏关系的破裂(1954-1962)(连载一)

近年来中国发展核武器的问题在中苏关系的演进中,特别是在中苏关系破裂中的作用引起学术界的重视.作者根据陆续出版和解密的中国和苏联方面的相关文献档案,对中国发展核武器的基本战略考虑、中国核武器的发展与中苏关系演进的互动关系、苏联政策的变化的动因以及此种变化对中苏关系破裂的影响进行深入分析:认为中国核武器的发展与中苏关系的破裂是一个互动的过程.中国发展核武器在当时背景下,只能争取苏联的援助,苏联向中国提供发展核武器的技术,有其特殊历史背景.1958年下半年后,随着两国在意识形态、对时代和国际形势以及核武器的态度等问题产生重大分歧,这些事件直接或间接促使苏联停止援助中国发展核武器.这成为中苏关系破裂的重要标志,也成为日后中苏论战的一个重要论题.     

影视史学的思考

影视史学在现代科技发展和历史学本身变革的交相催产下 ,它呱呱坠地 ,蹒跚走来。影视史学不仅仅是历史方法上的摸索和创新 ,还对长期以来的历史思维、历史认识等传统概念产生影响 ,许多方面牵连到了史学上许多基本的理论问题。本文试图对影视究竟能在多大程度上用来“写”历史作出初步探讨 ,并对其本身的优势和局限性作一论析。     

麦卡锡主义与美国中国学研究

美国重视对远东和太平洋地区的研究 ,尤其是对中国的研究是随着战后政治、经济、军事实力的大增而兴起的 ,美国对新中国的关注 ,目的是使美国的“中国学”研究 ,从单纯的学术探讨转而公开为美国全球战略、国家利益服务 ,这是战后美国研究中国的一个重要特点。本文探讨的是麦卡锡主义时期美国中国学研究状况。     

Does a multi‐tier NATO matter? The Atlantic alliance and the process of strategic change

This year NATO will celebrate its 60th anniversary. So far the world's most powerful military alliance has been a remarkable success story. However, as the first decade of the new century draws to a close there appears to be a widening strategic rift among the allies. ‘Two‐tier NATO’ is by now an established piece of shorthand in international strategic debate to indicate an ‘alliance à la carte’ divided into two or more factions of member states with divergent interests. Evidently, the alliance increasingly struggles to reach consensus on a whole range of strategic issues. So is NATO on a path to disintegration and, ultimately, to failure? This article argues that the organization has developed from a fixed ‘two‐tier’ into a rather fluid ‘multi‐tier’ alliance. On many issues the alliance is in fact divided into several different camps that are pushing in different directions. Thus, allies can be grouped into one of three tiers: a ‘reformist’, a ‘status‐quo’ and a ‘reversal’‐oriented one. While the evolution of such a multi‐tier alliance will not inevitably result in NATO's demise unmanaged, this manifestation of camps will continuously disrupt the organization's strategic agility. The article finds that if NATO is to maintain strategic vitality, it needs to develop new institutional mechanisms and establish a consensus on its strategic posture in the changing international order and to make ‘variable geometry’ work.     

Strategic Alliances in Action: Toward a Theory of Evolution

The popularity and prevalence of strategic alliances for problem solving has been well documented in research on the corporate sector and public policy. However, there has been limited work to date on building a comprehensive theory about the evolutionary process of alliances. The purpose of this article is to synthesize current research on alliance development in order to develop a model of strategic alliance evolution. The theoretical model is built with ideas from prior research as well as findings from our own recent research on alliances in education. We conducted a national study of strategic alliances in charter schools focused on uncovering the process of evolution—including how alliances are initiated, operated, and evaluated—and the various internal and external factors that influence alliance development and progress. Our findings offer a model of strategic alliance evolution and provide direction for future research.     

The alliance echoes and portents of Australia's longest war

Afghanistan was Australia's longest war, yet the consensus between Australia's major political parties on the commitment never wavered over 12 years. The bipartisan unity held even as the nature of the war changed and evolved, Australian casualties rose and popular support fell away. The enduring centrality of the US alliance explains much—probably almost all you need to know—about the unbroken consensus of the Australian polity. Afghanistan was an example of the Australian alliance addiction, similar to Vietnam. As with Vietnam, the Australian military left Afghanistan believing it won its bit of the war, even if the Afghanistan war is judged a disaster. As Australia heads home it finds the USA pivoting in its direction; with all the similarities that can be drawn between Vietnam and Afghanistan, this post-war alliance effect is a huge difference between the two conflicts.