十七大报告的哲学意蕴

十七大报告是中国化马克思主义的纲领性文件,它与辩证唯物主义、历史唯物主义是有机统一的。对于“实践：‘的高度重视,体现了十七大报告与辨证唯物主义实践观的有机统一;对科学发展观的具体阐述,体现了十七大报告与唯物辩证法总特征——普遍联系和永恒发展的有机统一;“十结合”以及“科学发展观统筹兼顾的根本方法”,体现了十七大报告与唯物辩证法的实质和核心——对立统一规律的有机统一;“生态文明”的提出,体现了十七大报告和历史唯物主义关于“人与环境相互依存”论述的有机统一;对民生、民主、民意的高度重视和深刻论述,体现了十七大报告与历史唯物主义群众史观的有机统一。     

十七大报告的哲学意蕴

十七大报告是中国化马克思主义的纲领性文件,它与辩证唯物主义、历史唯物主义是有机统一的。对于"实践"的高度重视,体现了十七大报告与辩证唯物主义实践观的有机统一;对科学发展观的具体阐述,体现了十七大报告与唯物辩证法总特征——普遍联系和永恒发展的有机统一;"十结合"以及"科学发展观统筹兼顾的根本方法",体现了十七大报告与唯物辩证法的实质和核心——对立统一规律的有机统一;"生态文明"的提出,体现了十七大报告和历史唯物主义关于"人与环境相互依存"论述的有机统一;对民生、民主、民意的高度重视和深刻论述,体现了十七大报告与历史唯物主义群众史观的有机统一。     

张治中在西北师院的一次演讲

1948年暮春的一个晚上,附中分部领导通知,明天去西北师院听报告。当时没有人通知我是听何人的报告。过去师院教授作报告,如教务长胡国钰教授的“自我发现与自我实     

《世界华商发展报告(2018)》出版

<正>由王辉耀与康荣平主编的《世界华商发展报告(2018)》一书,于2018年7月由社会科学文献出版社出版发行。全书约32万字,由总报告、评选篇、专题篇和案例篇四部分构成。总报告总结了华商群体发展的现状、特点、变化与趋势,重点研究了华商与中国经济的关系,华商在"一带一路"     

《河口与振兴》读后——兼议考古报告的编写

新世纪伊始,就读到由黑龙江省文物考古研究所与吉林大学考古学系合编、科学出版社出版的《河口与振兴——牡丹江莲花水库发掘报告(一)》 (2001年出版,以下简称《河口与振兴》),心情非常高兴。从报告……     

报告插图的画法和使用

田野考古工作是考古学的基础,编写调查、发掘报告是田野工作的最后一环。它的主要任务是报导我们田野工作的经过和发现的遗迹、遗物,重点指出我们的收获,为考古学研究提供新资料。报告一经发表,这些资料就将成为大家研究的对象或依据,因此用科学的方法整理和编写报告,符合客观的真实和准确,是对报告的首要要求,同样也就是对报告插图的要求。按现在通常的模式,一篇报告总是由文字、插图和图版三个部分组成,三者互相配合共同完成报告的任务。但就插图在报告中的地位与作用来说,绝不同于一般历史书籍的插图,只是作为文章的辅助,在考古调查、发掘报告中的插图有时     

推动楚文化研究的一本考古新著--《淅川和尚岭与徐家岭楚墓》读后

由河南省文物考古研究所等省市县文博单位编著,大象出版社出版的《淅川和尚岭与徐家岭楚墓》(以下简称《报告》)专题考古发掘报告,为楚文化研究和我国青铜器研究提供了一大批重要的新资料,弥足珍贵。这批重要资料得来非易。《报告》所述的两处墓地与相邻的下寺楚墓均位于丹江口     

联合国最新权威数据:国际移民总量达2.58亿

正近十几年来,联合国经济与社会事务部每两年发布一次国际移民报告,对当前国际移民数量及趋势进行统计和总结,是当前国际移民领域最为权威的报告之一。2017年底,联合国经济与社会事务部发布了《2017年国际移民报告》(The International Migration Report 2017,以下简称"报告")。该报告以各国发布的十年人口统计数据为基础,不仅有利于联合国监测可持续发展目标的落实情况,也是移民安全有序正规流动全球契约的谈判基础,同时,还有助于澄清人们对于人口迁移的一些错     

盘龙城与《盘龙城》

本对《盘龙城》报告体例、遗迹、遗物以及附录分别作出了评述,除了肯定报告的优点之外,主要陈述了与报告编不同的看法,如：报告材料缺乏类型学分析,因此对于遗存时代的判断依据不足,有的甚至没有依据;报告对盘龙城作为一个整体聚落特点体现不够,对一些遗迹性质的判断容易引起争议;不少的数据、图像资料——有的是很重要的材料——存在问题。本对于研究引用盘龙城报告材料、判断盘龙城及其遗迹、遗物性质,应当有所帮助。     

中国富人怎么想，怎么做

中国建设银行与波士顿咨询公司联合发布了《2012年中国财富报告》。该报告的调研范围为全国30个省、市、自治区中随机抽取的金融净资产达到600万元人民币及以上的1900多名高净值客户。从这份报告中,可以看到高净值用户,也就是中国富人们的很多特点。     

‘An Organic Part of the Whole Structure’: John Curtin's Empire

In March 1957 Harold Macmillan expressed to Dwight Eisenhower that the British government was ‘considering abandoning Hong Kong’. The hitherto unknown Hong Kong Question in 1957 grew primarily out of Britain's imperial decline, and particularly the difficulties of defending Hong Kong. During the Cold War Hong Kong was a colony too valuable for Britain to abandon in peace, and yet too peripheral to be worth committing scarce resources to for its survival at war. The British dilemmas were exacerbated by the 1956 riots in Hong Kong and the general defence review undertaken by the Macmillan government in 1957, both of which raised serious questions about the adequacy of a reduced garrison to maintain internal security. The United States also showed concern about the future of the British colony in the light of Anglo-American differences over the Suez crisis and China policy. As a result of the Bermuda and Washington conferences in 1957, the Anglo-American relationship was restored by Eisenhower and Macmillan, a restoration which, as the latter saw it, made Hong Kong ‘a joint defence problem’ between the two allies. Together with the Chinese communist policy of leaving the colony alone, the Hong Kong Question was thus resolved inadvertently.     

香港回归的历史"前奏曲"——1979年3月邓小平与麦理浩的"北京会谈"述略

1979年3月香港总督麦理浩的北京之行,代表英国方面以香港"土地契约"问题为"突破口"逼中国方面对过"九七"的"英国管治"作出让步,第一次将中英两国政府"长期搁置"的香港"九七"前途问题明朗化.而邓小平"叫香港的投资者放心"的正面回应,初步揭示了中国共产党和中国政府关于"九七"以后"香港还可以搞它的资本主义"的战略思考.以此为契机,中国共产党和中国政府开始初步调整当代中国"国家统一"的战略重心,将以"一国两制"的"新思维"解决香港问题的"时间表"提前,探索将"台湾版"的"一国两制"香港化".     

The Last Stand of Colonialism? The Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Councils and the Sino-British Negotiations Over Hong Kong, 1982–1984

ABSTRACT

As influential leaders in Hong Kong, the Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Council (UMELCO) were arguably the only group of Hong Kong people permitted to take part in the Sino-British negotiations that defined the future of Hong Kong. But almost no studies have explored the broader significance of their participation in the negotiations. Using recently declassified British documents, this article argues that, in the wider history of decolonisation, UMELCO’s petition for British administration belonged to the less noticed voices that called for alternatives to independence. UMELCO’s participation also reveals how the negotiations challenged Hong Kong’s autonomy. Although governors at times advocated Hong Kong’s interests vis-a-vis London, the governor’s autonomy during the negotiations was restricted, so the appeal of UMELCO was further weakened. Although UMELCO wanted to preserve the existing system, their actions inadvertently boosted the rise of ‘Hong Kong people’ as an idea and encouraged local people to demand more democracy. The structure of ExCo, LegCo and the government was mostly inherited by post-1997 Hong Kong, while some of UMELCO shifted to the Chinese side, suggesting the irony that a supposedly anti-colonial China lived with a state that came largely from colonial rule.     

Chinese Refugee Children and Empires: The Politics of International Adoptions in Cold War Hong Kong

With the support of new sources from British and Hong Kong archives, this study casts new light on the post-war international adoptions of Chinese refugee children in the British colony of Hong Kong. It argues that while children were ‘saved’ and found families overseas, they were also used as pawns in a bigger political game. A way to delegate welfare for the Hong Kong government, a symbolic humanitarian concession vis-à-vis a strict anti-immigration policy for Britain, and an anti-communist propaganda tool for the United States, these adoptions also convey the competing power and population politics played over subject children by two multiracial empires: one in decline (the rapidly decolonising Britain), the other on the rise (the new cold war superpower).     

‘Hong Kong is my Home’: The 1940 Evacuation and Hong Kong-Britons

Who were the Hong Kong British, and where did they live? This question sat at the heart of anguished and angry debates prompted by the colonial government’s edict in June 1940 ordering the evacuation to Australia of all women and children of ‘pure European descent’. In this article, I focus on thematic strands in the debate on Hong Kong British identity, such as race, class, legal domicile, reputation and migration, to explore the complex character of such British communities outside the Dominions. This article aims to characterise what it meant to be British in the wider empire, and deepen our understanding about the place of such communities in the picture of colonial migration.     

In the Wake of Political Intervention： British Hong Kong and the Lingnan Macroregion

This article attempts a preliminary exploration of the intraregional cohesion and division between British Hong Kong and the Lingnan macroregion. A deliberately overlooked locale in Skinner＇s macroregional model, Hong Kong developed from a periphery zone on the far eastern outskirt of Lingnan in its precolonial days to a thriving metropolis at the end of British rule. The transformation of British Hong Kong attests to the economic fundamentals of intraregional cohesion. More significantly it highlights the decisive power of political intervention, underestimated in Skinner＇s approach, which brought enduring changes to the shape as well as the internal and external relations of the macroregion.     

1967年香港反英抗暴斗争后中国对港贸易的恢复

1967年香港的反英抗暴斗争,是中英关系史和香港发展史上一次有重大影响的事件。因此次事件,中国内地暂停经香港的转口业务,港英当局对内地采取贸易歧视政策,美国、日本和中国台湾等乘机加紧对港澳市场的争夺。到1968年,中国商品占香港进口市场份额退居第二位,位列日本之后。在此背景下,中国政府采取强有力措施,迅速恢复和扩大对港澳地区的出口供应。透过历史的考察与分析,可以看出中央政府确保对港澳市场的稳定供应具有战略意义,体现出中央保持港澳地区长期繁荣稳定的方针是一贯的。在反英抗暴斗争中,中央政府坚持有理、有利、有节的斗争方针,在外贸总量同期大幅度下降的情况下,中英贸易没有受到太大的影响。     

Britain,European Economic Community Enlargement,and ‘Decolonisation’ in Hong Kong, 1967–1973

Politicians and businesspeople in Hong Kong paid close attention to British efforts to join the European Economic Community (EEC). The British colony was exempted from most tariffs in Britain, an arrangement that could not survive EEC enlargement. EEC members were unwilling to extend to Hong Kong, a significant exporter of manufactured goods, the same trade preferences offered to other dependent territories. Instead, the unique provision the EEC made for the colony was limited inclusion into their Generalised System of Preferences scheme, which granted tariff concessions to developing countries. Historians of Hong Kong have shown how the colony experienced British imperial withdrawal in a number of ways, despite remaining under British rule until 1997. This article demonstrates that an important element is missing from this account: how global economic shifts led to an erosion of imperial ties. EEC enlargement from 1973 entailed the end of Hong Kong's privileged access to the British market, but for the colony, the importance of imperial economic links had already faded. At the same time, an assessment of Hong Kong's capacity to pursue favourable terms of trade in global markets independently from Britain offers a more tentative conclusion of the extent of the colony's autonomy.     

体育交流与改革开放:“省港杯”足球赛的创立

始于1979年的“省港杯”足球赛是改革开放初期由以霍英东为代表的部分香港工商界人士发起、获得地方政府支持和中央政府批准的一项体育赛事。在“友谊第一、比赛第二”的友好气氛中,第一届“省港杯”足球赛在广州和香港两地成功举办。这项赛事促进了粤港两地的交流与合作,对广东的改革开放进程产生了积极的影响,增强了香港同胞对于内地坚持实行改革开放政策的信心。     

论二战后期中英美围绕香港战后地位问题的交涉与斗争

在第二次世界大战后期,美国、英国和中国围绕香港的战后地位问题展开激烈斗争。美国政府支持战后由中国收回香港主权。罗斯福总统为此作出许多外交努力。英国拒绝战后将香港主权交还中国。这样,蒋介石将希望完全寄予美国的支持上。但是在战争结束前夕,美国与苏联开始进行冷战,美国需要英国的支持,因此放弃了原来的政策。其结果是英国在战争结束时重新占领香港。