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正《清代中缅关系》内容简介本书旨在全面论述清代中缅政治、经济、文化关系及缅甸华侨华人等问题,廓清清代中缅关系的历史框架与发展流变,并对清代中缅关系中的历史疑问进行探究。作者依据大量原始档案文献,讨论的乾隆后期与雍籍牙王朝的冷战、云南派往缅甸的代表团、中英围绕中缅关系其他问题的交涉、清代中缅两国的贸易往来和文化交流、清代缅甸的华侨华人等问题,都是学界研究较为薄弱的领域。     

《朱波散记——缅甸华人社会掠影》出版

由中国华侨华人历史研究所方雄普研究员著述的《朱波散记———缅甸华人社会掠影》一书 ,已由香港南岛出版社出版。该书系北京大学华侨华人研究中心丛书之八 ,是作者暂居缅甸的亲历观感和研究随笔。内容分三部分 :“伊江杂谈” ,介绍缅甸的国情、社会、民俗及中缅邦交 ;“缅华掠影” ,集中谈缅甸华侨华人的历史和现状 ;“资料附录” ,则是综合有关资料提供读者参考。有关华侨华人的内容及相关的资料 ,约占全书的三分之二。众所周知 ,论述缅甸华侨华人历史文化的著作寥寥无几 ,本书给我们带来了有关缅华社会的丰富而新颖的信息 ,既有亲历的感…     

《缅甸华侨华人史》出版

正厦门大学国际关系学院/南洋研究院副院长范宏伟教授的新著《缅甸华侨华人史》于2016年7月由中国华侨出版社出版。本书系中国华侨历史学会侨史工程系列丛书,是中国侨联重点课题和中国—东盟区域发展协同创新中心专项后期资助的研究成果。无论是在中国人移民海外的历史上,还是在中缅关系史上,总体来说,缅甸华侨华人一直是个不太为学术界、媒体和观察家们所充分关注的群体。范宏伟教授克服了资料匮乏带来的研究障碍和     

缅甸的“果敢族”：族称、来历、状况及跨国互动

缅甸政府把聚居在中缅边境缅方一侧果敢地区的华侨、华人从族称上界定为“果敢族”。本文从历史学、民族学等学科的角度,对这个所谓的“果敢族”的来历、状况、与我国毗邻地区的跨国界互动关系以及缅甸政府将其定为“果敢族”的基本动因进行了论述。文章认为,“果敢族”的称谓从民族学上来讲是很不科学的,这些被称为“果敢族”的华侨、华人,事实上应当是缅甸华侨、华人中的“云南帮”。     

清朝前期(1662—1765)的对缅政策与西南边疆

清前期是中缅两国友好关系巩固和发展的重要时期。从维护西南边疆的和平稳定出发 ,这一时期清政府奉行了以安边保疆为核心 ,容许双方较自由的贸易 ,妥善处理西南边疆问题和对缅关系 ,在适当的时机将缅甸纳入清朝的藩属体系的对缅政策。并在缅甸内乱时期严格保持了中立。这是一种防御性的友善的政策。虽然这种政策在后期的执行中偏向软弱 ,但总的说来 ,对西南地区的安定和发展 ,对促进中缅两国人民之间的经济文化交流 ,有着积极作用 ,值得肯定。     

乾隆朝中缅战争前后的贸易变动与宗藩关系

清代中期的中缅关系曾因战争出现过显著的变化,通过考察战争前后中缅贸易的变化过程,可以认为缅甸迫于贸易制裁的压力而主动恢复中缅宗藩关系,清朝实现了军事征战没有达成的目的。     

有关缅甸华侨华人族群的几个问题

缅甸华侨华人是一个重要的族群。然而 ,长期以来却受到了忽视 ,成为华侨华人问题研究的一个薄弱环节。本文从缅甸华侨华人的人数、籍贯构成、经济状况的发展演变和文化等几方面 ,勾勒了缅甸华侨华人社会的大致轮廊 ,并分析了二战后缅甸华侨华人社会的三个不同发展阶段。     

缅甸各民族及中缅跨界民族

绚甸联邦是-个多民族、多宗教的国家,也是一个相对较为封闭、落后的国家.缅甸的北部与中国接壤,在这一区域内有许多民族跨中、缅两国边界而居.中国民族学界对于缅甸各民族的研究非常薄弱.由于我们对缅甸的民族划分、各民族的历史源流情况了解不够,以致中、缅跨界民族的研究也受到影响,甚至我们在分析、描述它们的情况时,也只能按照中国相关的民族称谓来进行.对缅甸各民族以及中、缅跨界民族的研究,有待进一步深入和加强.     

雷允的中国中央飞机制造厂

1942年日军入侵缅甸。航空志愿队第一和第二中队回到昆明,只留下第三中队在缅甸孤军作战。蒋介石要求他们配合入缅作战的中国远征军,向日本的地面部队低空扫射。由于没有轰炸机掩护,第三中队损失惨重。随着远征军的失利,缅甸沦陷,第三中队也从仰光撤退,于1942年4月2日来到了中缅边界上一个叫的雷允的地方,那里是战时中国中央飞机制造厂所在地。     

明代滇西地区内地移民对中缅关系的影响

明代是云南社会变化激烈的时期,同时也是中缅关系发展史上的重要阶段。此期间大量内地人入迁云南,地处滇西而与缅甸接邻的永昌、腾越等地成为内地移民的重要分布区之一。本文对内地军事移民、商业移民在滇西、缅甸间的活动及其对当时中缅关系产生的影响,进行了相关的考察和分析。     

东南亚金融危机后的缅甸经济政策与华商

1997年东南亚金融危机后,缅甸政府为阻止经济恶化,采取了推进农业改革、加速国有企业私营化步伐、拓宽融资渠道和加强边贸发展等措施,为缅甸华商的发展创造了一定的机会,华人经济得到进一步发展。而缅甸动荡的政治局势、缅甸经济改革中存在的弊端和问题及中国新移民在缅甸的涌现,是缅甸华商未来发展必须应对的问题。     

缅甸中、印移民同化问题比较分析

移民同化于当地是一种多维的社会互动过程,其表现和影响因素是多方面的。近代以来迁移缅甸的华人和印度移民同化于当地的情况是不同的。本文从语言、宗教信仰、生活习俗和族际通婚四个方面概述了华人和印度人的同化情况,认为华人比印度人更快同化于当地。本文也分析了影响二者同化程度不同的原因,认为主要是二者在人口、经济、移民性质、宗教信仰、种姓、偏见、体质等七个方面的差异所致。作者指出,上述七个影响因素并不单独具有绝对的解释力,它们相互交织,彼此作用,形成影响华人和印度人同化情况不同的合力。     

Nationalism and anti-ethno-politics: why ‘Chinese Development’ failed at Myanmar’s Myitsone Dam

In 2011, the Burmese military-backed government stunned global audiences by unilaterally suspending the construction of the Myitsone Dam, the cornerstone of China’s largest hydropower project abroad. This prominent failure of China’s “Going Out” investment strategy reverberated globally. Both Western and Chinese accounts frame the event as a pivotal moment in Myanmar’s celebrated reform process, the cooling of China–Myanmar relations, and US–China geopolitical rivalry in the Asia-Pacific. However, my ethnographic field and media research from 2010 to 2015 reveals that the mega-project’s failure does not originally stem from inter-state geopolitics or contested economics and ecology. Through chronological narration, I show how the Myitsone Dam is primarily the casualty of a distinctly ethno-political causality, whereby three nationalisms clashed and the replication of China’s “anti-ethno-political” model of development failed. Though no monolithic Chinese state directs “Chinese Development” overseas, individual Chinese entrepreneurs nonetheless draw from the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC’s) anti-political and state-centric paradigm when facing foreign social worlds. In the particular case of Myitsone, Chinese proponents drew from PRC’s state-nationalist heuristics of “national minorities and state-led development” and “Western anti-China conspiracy,” when facing Myanmar’s ethnic Kachin and Burman nationalisms. State ideological subjectivities of these developers seemed to blind them to the weakness in their own anti-ethno-political strategies, even when those collapsed publicly. I conclude that the Myitsone Dam’s construction will likely not be restarted, despite the hydropower company’s efforts. The Myitsone case also exemplifies how China’s previous historical entanglements in its neighboring regions uniquely disrupt the progress of “Going-Out” in Asia.     

Nontraditional security and China's transnational narcotics control in northern Laos and Myanmar

Regarding illicit drugs as a nontraditional security challenge (NTS), the Chinese state deploys a policy package combining coercive crackdown and development assistance to start transnational narcotics control in the Golden Triangle—the notorious illicit opium-producing area between Myanmar, Laos, and Thailand. This paper examines how illicit drugs are framed as a security challenge and how the state works with other forces to implement transnational narcotics control. Specifically, I focus on the Chinese state's efforts to implement transnational narcotics control in the notorious illicit opium-producing areas in northern Laos and Myanmar. My analysis draws first on the Copenhagen School's work on securitization, that is, how certain discourses are deployed to dramatize and present an issue as a security challenge requiring supreme priority. Then I situate drug trafficking in the tension between the territorial logic of national sovereignty and the transnational logic of NTS challenges in order to analyze the Chinese state's policy of narcotics control in the Golden Triangle. Through this analysis, I seek to underscore the longstanding but underdeveloped theoretical recognition of illicit drugs as a global commodity and an NTS challenge. The nexus of territorial sovereignty and extraterritorial subsystems spells out a new direction to understand NTS challenges in general and illicit drugs in particular.     

20世纪50年代以来东南亚闽籍华人数量的估算

海外华侨华人数量的不确定一直是学术研究中的难题,东南亚地区由于各国复杂的情况这一问题更为明显。多种因素导致东南亚闽籍华侨华人规模估算的困难。论文在参考国内统计数据的基础上,汇总东南亚各国的人口普查数据、年鉴、统计公报和华社会刊等一手资料,并在此基础上参考相关机构和学者研究的二手资料,梳理和分析了东南亚闽籍华人数量的历史变迁与地区分布,并对东南亚地区的新加坡、马来西亚、菲律宾、印度尼西亚、泰国、柬埔寨、越南、缅甸,以及老挝、文莱、东帝汶等国家的闽籍华人数量分别进行了统计和估算。据保守估计,东南亚闽籍华人的总体规模超过1200万。     

The United States and Myanmar: a ‘boutique issue’?

Myanmar has been one of a number of countries that the new American Executive branch selected for policy reconsideration. The Obama administration's review of relations with Myanmar, characterized as a ‘boutique issue’ during the presidential campaign, has received considerable attention in 2009, and in part was prompted by quiet signals sent by both sides that improved relations were desirable. Begun as an intense policy review by various agencies, it has been supplemented by the first visits in 15 years to the country by senior US officials. The policy conclusion, that sanctions must remain in place but will be supplemented by dialogue, is a politically realistic compromise given the strong congressional and public antipathy to the military regime and the admiration for Aung San Suu Kyi, whose purported views have shaped US policies. US claims of the importance of Myanmar as a security and foreign policy concern have also been a product of internal US considerations as well as regional realities. US—Burmese relations since independence have been strongly influenced by the Cold War and China, whose strategic interests in Myanmar have been ignored in the public dialogue on policy until recently, with US policy focused on political and human rights concerns. Attention is now concentrated on parliamentary and local elections to be held in 2010, after which the new constitution will come into effect and provide the military with a taut reign on critical national policies while allowing opposition voices. Future relations will be strongly influenced by the transparency and freedom both of the campaigning and vote counting, and the role—if any—of the opposition National League for Democracy. Strong scepticism exists in the US on prospects unless the Burmese institute extensive reforms. The Burmese military, presently controlling all avenues of social mobility, will have a major role in society for decades. The article initially evaluates US policies towards Myanmar prior to 1988, when a military coup marked a negative shift in US—Myanmar relations, from cooperation to a US sanctions regime. It looks at the influence China's involvement in Myanmar and the role Aung San Suu Kyi have had on the formulation of US policy towards the country and assesses the prospects for the US‐Myanmar relationship under the Obama administration.     

战后之疫：1944--1947年滇西鼠疫研究

1944—1947年滇西鼠疫之流行,在当时被认为源于缅甸境内,或源于日军的细菌战。但1940年代公共卫生调查的证据并不能支撑这一结论,而1950年代的疫情调查,也没有认同这一说法。在1950年代中期鼠疫自然疫源地理论形成之前,人们对于一个地区鼠疫疫情的寂灭与复活,相当不解,遂将鼠疫疫情归咎为境外缅甸或日军散布的细菌。当时的调查员,为了使其调查符合这一预设的主题,不惜强解调查资料。这一研究中的缺失,为近年来鼠疫史研究中民族主义思潮的崛起,埋下了伏笔。     

How to promote human rights in the world's most repressive states: lessons from Myanmar

For two decades, Myanmar sat at the top of the international human rights agenda. With recent political changes, this may now be a thing of the past, but the bad old days hold important lessons that should not be forgotten. This article draws on interviews conducted mainly inside Myanmar over a period of 15 years to evaluate, contrast and compare the impact of different international human rights policies on the ground. It is argued that while the effects of both Western ostracism and regional business as usual have been largely counterproductive and often harmful to the Myanmar people, principled engagement by the United Nations and other international organisations has shown significant potential to help promote human rights. This is a lesson which may be worth heeding in other repressive states.     

‘Politicide’ and the Myanmar coup

Can the 2021 Myanmar coup be understood as part of a broader campaign by the Burmese army to commit ‘politicide’? The recent wave of violent raids, detentions and extrajudicial killings taking place across Myanmar is part of a long-standing pattern of systematic violence perpetrated against political groups and social movements that challenge military control and dominance. The author reviews the history of persecution directed at the National League for Democracy (NLD), the 88 Generation, All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) and others who took part in the Burmese democracy movement. The author also reports findings from a multi-year ethnography she conducted with a community of activists and former political prisoners. She observes that, like ethnic and religious groups, this political community possesses stable, characteristic features, which are transmitted intergenerationally. She advocates for use of the term ‘politicide’ to understand both the recent coup and the history of violence perpetrated against the NLD, 88 Generation ABSFU and other groups inside Myanmar.     

The ICC pre-trial chamber decision on jurisdiction over the situation in Myanmar

The transfer and deportation of ethnically Rohingya people from Myanmar into Bangladesh is a crime against humanity demanding an international response. What role, however, should the International Criminal Court (ICC) play? On 6 September 2018 an ICC Pre-Trial Chamber ruled that the Court has jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute such crimes as they are completed on the territory of a State party, Bangladesh. Myanmar is not a party to ICC Statute and has invoked the principle that treaties do not bind third parties without their consent. The case put in this commentary is that while the Pre-Trial Chamber’s approach to the law was arguable as an interpretation of the ICC Statute, it was unwise as a matter of policy. The argument is threefold. First, the Pre-Trial Chamber’s ruling is as a matter of legal method only the first-move in a process of norm-creation and persuasion. Second, it does not follow that because territorial jurisdiction in international law includes ‘objective’ jurisdiction over transboundary acts completed on a State’s territory that such jurisdiction was delegated by member States to the ICC in all cases. Finally, it is argued that international criminal tribunals do not succeed when the cooperation of necessary territorial governments (here, Myanmar) is withheld. Proceeding in this case risks becoming a quagmire of the ICC’s own creation at a time when it can little afford further risks to its legitimacy.