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1.
战后初期,英国对日经济政策有一个变化的过程。初期,英国主张对日本应该采取宽容的政策,既要翦除日本对外侵略的威胁,又要复兴日本经济。后期,由于亚洲冷战战略的需要,美国改变对日政策,开始全面扶植日本;而日本则在美国的帮助下在东南亚寻找经济出路,这与英国的利益发生了冲突。这两方面的原因促使英国政府调整对日经济政策,强调限制日本的经济扩张以维护本国利益。  相似文献   

2.
近代早期,英国社会的有息借贷观念经历了革命性的转变。放贷取息从一种罪演变成一种在道德上不受谴责、在经济上有重要作用的行为。导致这种转变的原因,是由于资本主义经济的发展使得新兴的资产阶级既有让利息合法化的强烈需要,同时也有足够的力量去摆脱宗教传统的束缚。因此,新兴资产阶级的代言人对《圣经》和基督教传统进行了重新解读,认为利息并不与《圣经》绝对相悖。不仅如此,他们以经济利益为核心,创立了一种独立于宗教的评价体系,在这种评价体系中放贷取息成为一种积极的行为。可以说,这种转变在资本主义发展史中具有历史性的意义。  相似文献   

3.
19世纪至20世纪中期是英国医生依托专业知识构建话语权力的关键时期。临床医学的进步推动了医生话语权力的塑造。医疗空间的变化造成惠顾体系的瓦解和诊疗方式的转变,确立了医生在医患关系中的家长式权威。医学专业化造成全科与专科的分离,专科医生凭借知识与技术优势后来居上,改变了过去以全科医生为主的行业格局。两者之间在医疗观念与利益上的冲突,加重了行业内部的竞争和分歧,但也让他们认识到了分工与合作的重要性。1948年国民健康服务体系的建立,是英国工党政府通过国家干预规制医生权力,挽救了知识—权力语境下全科医生群体的日趋衰落,同时促使医生职业在资本利益与人道主义之间做出平衡。从知识—权力话语主导下的家长式权威到医学人文精神的回归,表明英国医生的职业发展呈现出以患者为中心的新趋势。  相似文献   

4.
傅敏 《民国档案》2002,(3):81-87
自从近代以来,作为西方主要大国的英国在远东地区,特别是在中国拥有诸多权益,因此对于日本在华势力的扩张一直极为关注。然而,直到七七事变之前,面对日本在华势力的渗透和侵略活动,英国出于自身利益的考虑而一直采取纵容政策。七七事变的爆发以及日本侵华战争的扩大,终于使英国认识到了日本企图全面控制中国并排挤其他西方国家的野心,英国对日政策由此转向强硬,并在八一三事变中达到顶峰。英国对日政策的转变,是整个国际形势和中国战场形势发展的必然结果,它对于中国的抗战事业产生了积极的影响。本将对七七事变与英国对日政策的转变过程及其原因进行探讨,以深化我们对于抗战时期英国远东政策的认识。  相似文献   

5.
营销通路中的所有组织与个人,通过产品为媒介,产品的销售为纽带,自然而然地与企业(比如制造商)形成了一个共生体。在这个共生体中,既有利益的冲突,也有利益的契合。如何处理这种利益的冲突与契合关系,便形成了不同的营销理念与营销模式。  相似文献   

6.
颜廷 《史学集刊》2008,(3):105-113
近代英国两大统治集团贵族与中等阶级在宪政观念上经历了三个阶段的演变:18世纪至19世纪早期贵族坚持对政治民主特权化的理解和独占权;19世纪30年代后贵族转变宪政观念,承认了中等阶级对民主的共享权,但坚持对民主的特权性解释,而中等阶级也继承了这一点;1865年后中等阶级破除了对民主的狭隘理解,在观念上转变了对社会下层宪政能力和潜质的认识,承认了社会下层的宪政权利.由此,近代英国主流社会对民主权利的解释经历了从狭义的特权性理解到普适性理解的转变过程.正是由于主流社会,尤其是中等阶级在宪政观念上的积极转型,使英国在维多利亚时代中期奠定了现代民主政治基础,同时也塑造了近代英国社会的阶级妥协局面.  相似文献   

7.
新农村建设中的乡村关系协调   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
卢晓蕊 《攀登》2007,26(1):32-34
乡村关系冲突是我国新农村建设中的一个突出问题;乡村关系冲突主要表现为“附属行政化”和“过度自治化”两种不良倾向;乡村关系冲突从根本上讲,主要是由乡镇政府在我国权力体制中的特殊地位、村委会在利益角色上的双重性和乡镇政府在利益上的自利性、乡村关系在法律规范上的制度供给短缺造成的。可以通过转变理念、创新体制和完善法制对其加以改进与完善。  相似文献   

8.
吴江平 《神州》2013,(23):179-179
由于当前政治共同体内部的改变,社会结构开始复杂化,利益诉求多样化。但一些地方政府的政治观念依旧没有摆脱传统的政治理念,将社会冲突政治化,进行简单的处理,从而导致利益冲突升级变成社会冲突。同时这种升级也常常由于政府与民众之间缺乏直接、有效、对等的政治传播渠道。  相似文献   

9.
由于当前政治共同体内部的改变,社会结构开始复杂化,利益诉求多样化.但一些地方政府的政治观念依旧没有摆脱传统的政治理念,将社会冲突政治化,进行简单的处理,从而导致利益冲突升级变成社会冲突.同时这种升级也常常由于政府与民众之间缺乏直接、有效、对等的政治传播渠道.  相似文献   

10.
现代劳资关系是涉及雇主、工人、政府三方的社会政治博弈运动。在英国工业化时期的劳资关系中,由于思想观念和现实利益的冲突,各行业普遍存在着与工会对立的雇主结社组织。它们通过采取集体闭厂等措施同工会领导的罢工相对抗,形成了劳资集体对抗的局面,提高了劳资冲突的烈度。随着新模式工会的兴起,英国工人运动趋于稳健与现实,而寻求降低劳资冲突成本的雇主结社组织也逐渐放弃了排斥工会的态度,开始承认工会并将其作为谈判对手。劳资双方开始通过集体谈判化解冲突,从而形成了双赢的博弈模式。  相似文献   

11.
Studies of Indo–British relations in the 1950s have been usually dominated by the personalities of Jawaharlal Nehru and, after him, VK Krishna Menon. This article instead focuses on Vijayalakshmi Pandit and her tenure as India’s High-Commissioner in London. Pandit came to London having served as Nehru’s envoy to the Soviet Union, the USA and the United Nations. Based on government records and private papers in India, Britain and America, this article shows that her time in London offers insights into the wider context of changes in Indo–British relations and presents her High-Commissionership as a microcosm of the inter-governmental relations.  相似文献   

12.
Persian territorial designs in Baluchistan clashed with British interest to construct an Indo-European telegraph line through the Makran Coast, where Britain had close local allies in dispute with Persia. The British prime interest being the speedy construction of the line, they decided on bypassing these disputed territories by connecting Bushehr, through submarine cable, with Gwadar—which they believed, contrary to the Persians, to be non-Persian. The Persian government protested against the British infringement of her sovereign rights, adopting both diplomatic and military approaches. This forced the British government to check the legality of the Persian claims. But the arbitrary was neither neutral nor fair, with Britain opposing the suzerainty of Persia over the chiefs of western Makran, while acknowledging the right of conquest by others elsewhere on the coast. This was in line with British policy of favoring governments bordering British India over Persia. Although unable to change the arbitrary, the Persian government still managed, in spite of her military weakness, to drag the British government into a hard bargain and tough negotiations.  相似文献   

13.
This article reflects on the changing discipline of diplomatic history/international history through the author's own experience in the field since the 1950s. It also draws wider lessons about the craft, especially the importance of understanding the people behind the papers – illustrated with vignettes of diplomats whom the author interviewed, including Harold Nicolson, William Strang and Owen O'Malley. Woven into this is some discussion of the author's own books, especially those on the pre-1914 Foreign Office, Britain and the origins of the First World War and, most recently, her two volumes on Europe's international relations between the world wars.  相似文献   

14.
This essay analyses the competing dynamics that shaped the formation of market relations in mid-nineteenth-century Britain: abstraction and rationalization, on the one hand, and embeddedness and personalism, on the other. It takes as its central case the mid-century debates over bankruptcy reform, focusing in particular on two textual representations of ‘ruin’: the system of certificates classifying bankrupts according to their culpability of character, established in 1849 and abolished in 1861; and Eliot's 1860 novel The Mill on the Floss, with its account of financial and sexual ruin. I argue that the debates surrounding the character certificates' intervention in market relations, and Eliot's explorations of abstract and embedded or sympathetic modes of knowledge were part of a larger concern to negotiate the tensions produced by the contemporary impulse toward market rationalization. Eliot's mode of omniscient narration – her construction of a simultaneously interested and disinterested, authoritative and sympathetic narrative voice – represented, I suggest, a novelistic instance of a broader cultural fantasy that an approach to character representation could be found that would mediate the changing marketplace. At the same time, her narration of the story of debt through familial and sexualized representations highlights the way that the personal continued to pose a challenge to the establishment of market rationality. However, despite the generic distinctions that can be traced, I argue that their shared interest in character provides grounds for the project of reading across genres, and suggest that the cultural history of the Victorian credit economy requires attention to what different genres have in common, as much as how they have diverged.  相似文献   

15.
There is a growing interest in localized land registration, in which user rights are acknowledged and recorded through a community-based procedure, as an alternative to centralized titling to promote secure tenure in sub-Saharan Africa. Localized land registration is expected to reduce land disputes, yet it remains unclear how it impacts disputes in practice. This is an urgent question for war-affected settings that experience sensitive land disputes. This article discusses findings from ethnographic fieldwork in Burundi on pilot projects for land certification. It identifies three ways in which certification feeds into land conflicts rather than preventing or resolving them. First, land certification represents a chance for local people to enter a new round of claim making, as those ignored or disenfranchised in earlier rounds see new opportunities. Second, it offers an avenue for institutional competition between different land-governing institutions. Third, certification provides politicians with openings to interfere in tenure relations and to expand their support base. The authors conclude that these problems are not simply a matter of inadequate policy design. Rather, there are crucial political dimensions to land conflicts and land tenure in Burundi, which means that land registration programmes run the risk of inflaming conflictive property relations in rural communities.  相似文献   

16.
A British exit from the EU would add to growing strains on the United States’ relations with Britain and the rest of Europe, but by itself would not lead to a breakdown in transatlantic relations due to the scale of shared ideas and interests, institutional links, international pressures and commitments by individual leaders. It would, however, add to pressures on the US that could change the direction of the transatlantic relationship. From the perspective of Washington, Britain risks becoming an awkward inbetweener, beholden more than ever before to a wider transatlantic relationship where the US and EU are navigating the challenges of an emerging multipolar world. The article outlines developments in the UK, EU, Europe and the US in order to explain what Brexit could mean for the United States’ approaches to transatlantic relations. By doing so the article moves beyond a narrow view of Brexit and transatlantic relations that focuses on the future of UK–US relations. In the conclusion we map out several ways in which US views of the transatlantic relationship could be changed.  相似文献   

17.
Despite the massive increase in scholarship dealing with various aspects of the work of Hildegard of Bingen over the last decade, her social ideas have been comparatively neglected. This is not surprising since Hildegard made few direct pronouncements on social relations and when she did, most famously in her letter to Tenxwind of Andernach, she appears to be defending an elitist notion of hereditary privilege against the more egalitarian views of her correspondent.
This paper seeks to identify and describe Hildegard's social ideas by examining her direct and indirect statements on the subject and comparing her notions about the division of society with those of her contemporaries. The idea that Hildegard's social thought was predicated on a strict division between the free and unfree, par-ticularly the free and non-free nobility ( Edelfrei and ministeriales ), a classification peculiar to twelfth-century Germany, is examined in the light of these findings. I argue that Hildegard's views are more complicated than a reading of the Tenxwind letter would suggest and that her understanding allows for a more nuanced view of society than that of her contemporaries. It is also suggested that Hildegard's views reflect a real grasp of the power relations operating in the world around her and that her practice is, in turn, founded upon this understanding.  相似文献   

18.
马继业与辛亥革命前后英国在新疆势力的发展   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
20世纪初,尤其在辛亥革命前后,英国对新疆的渗透与扩张加剧,这突出表现在英国驻喀什噶尔领事馆的建立上。本主要通过阐述英国驻喀什噶尔首任领事马继业的活动,介绍了英国驻喀什噶尔领事馆的建立及其初步发展,并指出这是英国侵华的一个组成部分,它给近代新疆带来了严重的后果,但同时也在一定程度上促进了近代中英关系的发展。  相似文献   

19.

The development of the gas centrifuge in the 1960s revolutionized the production of enriched uranium. More simple and efficient than gaseous diffusion, the centrifuge offered countries a means of producing enriched uranium independently of America. For Britain, the centrifuge possessed political as well as economic advantage. It provided the opportunity for Britain to share nuclear knowledge with its European partners, so improving the prospect of successful admission to the European Common Market. In Washington, the prospect of a joint European centrifuge project received an ambivalent response. The State Department, keen to foster a strong Europe as a bulwark against Soviet expansionism, welcomed collaboration. In contrast, the Atomic Energy Commission, charged with maintaining US nuclear security, sought to block the venture on the grounds that it infringed US law. This paper reviews this debate, examining Anglo-American nuclear relations in the context of Britain's entry into the European Common Market. It argues that Britain was determined to establish a purely European solution to the question of uranium supply even if this led to a breach in Anglo-American relations.  相似文献   

20.
This article examines the way that rules about use of rooms, guests and eating practices operated within au pair employing households in London, England, and how these worked to structure relations between au pairs and their employers. Au pair employment has been growing in Britain in recent years and the au pair scheme provides a particularly interesting situation in which to examine quasi-familial relations because it requires host families to treat au pairs ‘as a member of the family’. Using findings from a questionnaire survey of 144 au pairs and in-depth discussions with 50 au pairs, seven au pair employers and seven agencies that place au pairs, it is argued that house rules are an important part of the au pair's relationship to her employer's family. Employers could take a strict ‘positional’ parenting approach, a more negotiated ‘personalising’ approach, or a mixture of the two. Those employers who most literally treated au pairs like members of the family, i.e. like children, did not encourage close relations by doing so. It is suggested that whereas studies of other forms of paid domestic employment have found that employers encourage the development of false kin relations in order to place additional demands on domestic workers, in au pair employment, employers may seek to create distance from rather than intimacy with their au pair and so counter some of the demands of the au pair scheme.  相似文献   

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