共查询到19条相似文献,搜索用时 156 毫秒
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包云志 《古籍整理研究学刊》2006,(3):66-69
本文介绍了刘墉、周永年、吴大潋、叶昌炽的四通未刊信札原件。刘墉致刘墫的信是了解清代科举制度的第一手资料;周永致李宪暠的信是周存世信札五通之一;吴大潋致祁世长的信对了解当时清流派人物的处境和心态很在帮助;叶昌炽致刘永诗的信记录了八国联军入侵中国,义和团运动在北京的一些真实情况。 相似文献
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吴大澂(一八三五——一九○二年),字清卿,号恒轩,又号愙斋,江苏吴县人,清末金石学家、文字学家,官至湖南巡抚。光绪六年(一八八○年),清政府曾派吴大澂到东北,督办三姓、宁古塔、珲春等地的屯垦和防务事宜。吴大澂到东北以后,即进行“移民实边”,试办屯田,编练近代化东北边防军。 相似文献
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本文刊发了一件晚清重臣张之洞致吴大潋的信札,它不仅是研究张之洞和晚清史的珍贵历史资料,亦是张之洞的一件精美的书法作品。 相似文献
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<正>苏富比2014年春拍中,有一批有铭青铜器原来为清末名士吴大澂、张廷济、刘体智的收藏,其后辗转到日本,为私家所藏。这些青铜器铭文在清末就已经被著录,且都曾收入民国时期青铜器铭文集大成的《三代吉金文存》(《三代》)1,相应的,当代铭文著作《金文总集》、《殷周金文集成》(《集成》)也都有录入。这样流传有序的青铜器,在古代艺术品收藏中格外珍贵,特别是这些青铜器大部分的器影图像,并未曾公开。尤其吴大澂的青铜器与他的著录拓本同时出现,器、拓相得益彰。 相似文献
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孟永林 《古籍整理研究学刊》2021,(1):20-25
牛树梅、牛树桃《胞兄纪略》一书录有晚清名臣胡林翼致牛树梅信札一通、祁寯藻复牛树梅信二通,均不见胡、祁二人相关著述,当为佚札.信札内容与时局政务有关,对于研究湘军以及胡林翼吏治、人才思想具有重要的文献价值,而对于钩稽祁寯藻晚年生平事迹、师友交际也具有一定的史料参考价值. 相似文献
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王立民 《古籍整理研究学刊》2008,(4):68-72
清末民初著名目录版本学家、金石学家叶昌炽,同时也是著名藏书家,其字号、室名众多,许多都治成印。本文从考证叶氏字号、室名命名原由入手,对其藏印进行考证。 相似文献
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Michael Nylan 《东方研究杂志》2019,67(1):183-213
This article takes three famous historians writing about historians and history-writing as its subject, considering Fan Ye’s work in light of Liu Zhiji’s understanding of history and Fan Ye’s writing on Ban Gu. It seeks to discover in Liu Zhiji’s work the principles for writing a guoshi 國史 (court history), reading Liu Zhiji’s principles in relation to Liu’s assessment of Fan Ye’s Hou Hanshu (History of the Later Han) in general, and, it provides, more particularly as a case study, a study of Fan Ye’s treatment of the earlier historian Ban Gu, author of the Hanshu (History of Han). The article builds the cases that Liu Zhiji and Fan Ye are model historians, insofar as they were responsible for supplying plausible accounts of the past based on the evidence available to them. Liu Zhiji’s metahistorical rules and Fan Ye’s biography of Ban Gu serve in the article as examples in this regard. The article presumes that the historians’ experiences in their own lifetimes inevitably shaped both the style and content of their works, as no “objective” or “scientific” account of history is possible. The good historian instead holds himself accountable for the judgments rendered. So although modern historians of China today may well prefer the rhetorical style of one of the three early historians to that of the others, moderns would do well to ponder, and in some cases emulate features of the early histories under review here. 相似文献
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Dai Ningru 《东南文化》1998,(2)
在吴文化研究中,吴文化发源于太湖地区还是宁镇地区,一直是个有争议的问题。有的学者根据太湖与宁镇地区印纹陶某些特征的一致,认为西周后期两地区的文化面貌已“融为一体”,并以此作为吴国由宁镇地区东进到太湖地区的论据。笔者认为全面准确认识太湖地区周代文化面貌... 相似文献
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繁昌汤家山西周墓是一座高等级的吴国墓葬。通过对长江下游西周至春秋时期吴国墓葬的等级规模和出土青铜器的比较研究,汤家山西周墓与丹徒烟墩山、荞麦山西周墓和北山顶、青龙山春秋墓属同一等级的墓葬,皆为吴王之墓;根据汤家山西周墓主身份和墓地位置推测,《左传》记载的"鸠兹"应为西周晚期的吴国都城。 相似文献
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James J. Hudson 《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2014,8(1):43-62
By analyzing the role of urban commoners who participated in Changsha’s rice riot of April 1910, we can better understand how the city’s folk traditions and unique urban culture contributed to the intense climate that characterized state/society relations during the late Qing dynasty. Oral history interviews conducted by Liu Duping during the 1970s mainly describe the attack on the government yamen, an attack carried out and led by local carpenters. After reading some of these accounts we can also appreciate how the rioters were not simply an unruly mob incited by local gentry. By attacking a specific government compound and symbols of state authority, in some ways local carpenters expressed their own justification for rioting. While the role of Ye Dehui and other gentry in helping lead the rioters should not be discounted, such characters also need to be understood not simply as conservative hardliners, but within the broader context of late Qing intellectuals. 相似文献