"Indirect Regulation" of Environmental Hazards Through the Provision of Information to The Public

Title III of the Superfund Amendments and Reauthorization Act of 1986 seeks to reduce the risks of chemical accidents through a strategy of indirect regulation that relies on providing the public with information about chemical hazards. For this strategy to be effective, citizens must aggressively utilize the information provided to monitor industrial practices and press for risk reduction. Since prior research suggests it is very difficult to evoke the degree of citizen action that would be required to make a strategy of indirect regulation successful, and since the federal legislation provided no funds for implementation, there is a question of whether the structures set up by Title III are sufficient to achieve its objectives. This article reports the results of anational study that examined selected aspects of the implementation of Title III in an effort to assess the likely outcome of its attempt at indirect regulation. Our focus is on the degree to which the Title III-mandated Local Emergency Planning Committees are pursuing policies that are likely to get the necessary information to citizens and foster community debate on hazardous materials issues.     

Housing and Public Services in a Medium-Sized Russian City: Case Study of Tomsk

A team of Russian and American urban specialists examines variations in living conditions across 26 microrayons of a medium-sized West Siberian city (Tomsk, 2002 population of 487,700) deemed to be fairly typical of urban settlements in that size class. Detailed information derived from the mapping of intra-urban variations in housing type and age, health facilities, schools and other educational institutions, and access to public transportation is used to construct three public service indices representing the relative level of deprivation of urban residents. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: D32, I32, O18. 9 figures, 2 tables, 17 references.     

"承认"与中国对南沙群岛享有无可争辩的主权

承认与禁止反言已经成为一项公认的国际法准则。本文通过对著名的国际法学家关于“承认”、“禁止反言”的论述以及一些著名案例的分析,认为越南、菲律宾、马来西亚等国已经承认了中国对南沙群岛享有的领土主权,因此这些国家就应承担不能反悔的法律责任。     

解析菲律宾在南沙群岛主权归属上的"邻近原则"--评菲律宾对南沙群岛的主权主张

文章较详细地分析了菲律宾政府提出“邻近原则”的背景、内容、含义 ,并进行了现代国际法理论与实践意义上的剖析。文章指出“邻近原则”在理论上是荒谬的 ,在实践上则具有危险性。认为 ,菲律宾政府只有放弃其对南沙群岛的主权要求 ,停止对南沙岛礁的非法占领 ,并撤离已占有岛礁 ,承认中国对南沙的主权 ,才能真正实现南沙海域的和平 ,也才能真正享用南沙的丰富资源。     

张家港市港口镇"做会讲经"调查报告

江苏省张家港市系县级市,隶属苏州市。北部和东部临长江,隔江与靖江市、如皋县、南通市相邻;西部和南部与江阴市、常熟市交界。它是一个新兴的城市,1962年分割常熟县(即今常熟市)及长江中涌出的沙洲(今市之东部)并江阴县部分地区建沙洲县,八十年代后期改称张家港市。     

公共文化服务体系与博物馆免费开放

博物馆的公益性和开放性,决定了它是公共文化服务体系的重要组成部分。免费开放以来,我国博物馆的基础设施、陈列展览、服务意识等方面大幅提升,博物馆评估定级使博物馆运行管理得到加强。面对当前发展中存在的问题,博物馆应坚持公益性性质,深化免费开放,提升陈列展览水平,拓展文化影响力,做好文化产品开发,加强人才队伍建设,推进体制机制改革,从而得到新的提升,成为促进社会和谐发展的重要力量。     

"A More Perfect Union": Ableman v. Booth and the Culmination of Federal Sovereignty

The discourse over federal versus state jurisdiction was ingrained into American politics at the nation's inception. It has been the premise of our most historically significant rivalries—between Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton, Andrew Jackson and Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster and Robert Hayne. Though this debate remains a contentious topic in contemporary political discourse, the U.S. Supreme Court settled the legal controversy on the eve of America's bloodiest conflagration. Unanimously, the Court ruled that the federal union was of greater importance than the authority of the individual states. The 1859 Ableman v. Booth ¹ decision was wrought from moral controversy, legal precedent, and political necessity, coupled with the full force of law, and has endured as a compelling pronouncement on the need for continuity and stability in uncertain times.     

钓鱼列屿主权属中国,铁证如山--读鞠德源著《日本国窃土源流、钓鱼列屿主权辨》

钓鱼列屿(包括钓鱼屿、橄榄屿、黄尾屿、赤尾屿等岛屿),原是中国领土。1894年日本发动侵略中国的甲午战争,清政府战败求和,日本强迫清政府签订《马关条约》,割占了中国台湾及包括钓鱼列屿在内的台湾所有附属岛屿。第二次世界大战时,侵略日本被迫接受中、美、英等国的《开罗宣言》和《波茨坦公告》,宣布无条件投降,承诺履行公告中的所有条款,包括把窃取中国领土归还中     

Leonardo Bruni and the Poetics of Sovereignty

Abstract

Leonardo Bruni’s well-known oration, the Laudatio Florentinae urbis, has long stood at the center of discussions on the emergence of the modern republican state. Recent historiographical trends have emphasized the degree to which Bruni’s oration represents a propagandistic attempt both to portray Florence as a territorial power of Northern Italy keen to impose its sovereign authority on neighboring polities and as a republic intent on fashioning an image of itself as a popular sovereignty. It is in this second element of Bruni’s oration that we can discover his rhetorical purposes: he needed to give a distorted image of Florence as enjoying “popular” rule precisely because Florence was in fact moving in the opposite direction towards a more oligarchic concentration of political authority. The essay investigates the changes contemplated in revisions to Florence’s juridical codes at precisely the time of the oration’s composition, suggesting that when these two sources are juxtaposed, Bruni’s oration appears as a strongly ideological literary work the rhetorical gestures of which camouflage the actual historical and legal developments of Florence’s political life in the early fifteenth century.     

Public School Search Policies and the "Politics of Sin"

In recent years, high school students have been subjected to greater levels of drug searching and surveillance on school grounds. The effect of such searching is potentially wide-ranging, because public schools "play an important role in socializing students according to the norms and mores of society" ( Vergari, 2000 ). Using the "morality politics" framework, this study reports and analyzes the presence of random, suspicionless drug searches in the Nebraska public schools. Whereas most studies of morality policy have focused on the state as the unit of analysis, we consider the perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors of principals in regards to drug policies in schools. Our findings, based on a survey of 181 high school principals, reflect several features of morality policy. There has been a significant rise in the number of random drug searches, despite the principals' observation that these measures neither lessen drug use nor catch perpetrators. The most important predictors of drug policy are pressure from local sources, perception of the problem within the community (but not the schools), and the racial composition of schools. Principals articulate limited concern for student rights, and students largely accept searches without resistance. In the discussion, we consider these findings in light of recent court rulings and introduce the potential ramifications of waging the drug war in our nation's classrooms and hallways.     

清末民初城市的"公共休闲"与"公共时间"

城市近代工商业的发展是市民生活城市化、社会化、公共化的自然要求和必然结果,是市民生活公共领域的重要组成部分,也为民间社团、学会活动及公众集会、演说、演出等公共活动提供了条件。这一时期群众性的政治活动和文化活动剧烈频繁的壮观局面,使人们思想交流和互动空前频繁,形成日益趋同的思想变革节奏和价值取向,成为清末民初政治鼎革的社会文化基础。这是近代公民社会公共领域所形成的社会文化效应。     

Labour internationalism and the public sector: The case of the Public Services International

This paper sets out the need to conceptualise labour internationalism in the public sector, given its distinct political character and orientation. Our analysis adds to a literature on labour internationalism that hitherto has mainly depicted strategies of unions in private sector industries. To better understand the reasons for upscaling trade union efforts in a sector where the main employer remains the institutional apparatus of the nation-state, we have interviewed office bearers in the most important global union federation organising across different public services – Public Services International (PSI) – asking them to explain their political and strategic considerations. We find that the distinct role of the nation state as an employer, the public character of work and specific relations between public sector workers and the users of services, are all determinants in shaping labour transnationalism in the public sector. This in turn leads to a greater emphasis on alliances with social movements and oppositional campaigns, representing a radical global political unionism. Neoliberal austerity and privatisation measures have reinforced the importance of such political relationships and power, but also challenged their organisational foundations. However, alliance-building is not PSI's sole strategy. We find that office bearers at the transnational level combines three strategic rationales through orientations that we have labelled the political-institutional, the movement-popular and the industrial-corporate. We also suggest that employing these sensitising concepts can bolster the scholarly treatment of understanding labour internationalism and its strategy repertoires more generally.     

Aleatory Sovereignty and the Rule of Sensitive Spaces

Addressing life in borders and refugee camps requires understanding the way these spaces are ruled, the kinds of problems rule poses for the people who live there, and the abilities of inhabitants to remake their own lives. Recent literature on such spaces has been influenced by Agamben's notion of sovereignty, which reduces these spaces and their residents to abstractions. We propose an alternate framework focused on what we call aleatory sovereignty, or rule by chance. This allows us to see camps and borders not only as the outcomes of humanitarian projects but also of anxieties about governance and rule; to see their inhabitants not only as abject recipients of aid, but also as individuals who make decisions and choices in complex conditions; and to show that while the outcome of projects within such spaces is often unpredictable, the assumptions that undergird such projects create regular cycles of implementation and failure.     

Power and Gender in the "New View" Public Schools

"Power over" (involving social control and domination) is contrasted with "power to" (involving social production and collaboration). Three hypotheses drawn from feminist, democratic. and regime theories are developed and supported by ethnographic research: (a) women are more likely than men to understand power as social production, (b) social fragmentation and stronger forms of democracy in cities are encouraging the use of collaborative power, and (c) the application of collaborative power helps communities achieve policy goals.     

经济全球化与民族国家的主权保护

经济全球化是一个发展过程,也是一个客观现实。经济全球化对威斯特伐利亚体系所确立的传统的民族国家主权进行着挑战,但并未导致主权的终结。对包括中国在内的发展中国家来说,必须积极参与国际经济秩序的重构,才能有效地维护国家利益和捍卫国家的主权。     

论人权与主权关系的多重性

人权与主权存在着重大区别：主体不同,内容不同,产生的时间不同,属性不同,涉及的因素不同,领域不同;同时,二又有密切的联系：人权对主权形成挑战,人权的落实受到主权的制约。在人权与主权关系问题上本反对“高于说”：既反对人权高于主权论,也反对主权高于人权论,主张应充分重视人权与主权关系的复杂性。     

《两匹马的对话》与英国“公众舆论”的形成

哈贝马斯指出作为政治公共领域前身的文学公共领域孕育于英国共和时期的咖啡馆中.在这一领域形成的过程中,作为文学公共领域的重要功能之一的文学“公共舆论”功能是在当时文学家的推动下建构而成.围绕关停英国咖啡馆这一历史事件,英国文学家也展开了一场通过文学作品干预“公共事务”的“演习”,其中安德鲁·马维尔的《两匹马的对话》一诗是文学公共领域践行“公共舆论”功能的典型个案.