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How are elections affected by the votes of people living abroad? The majority of states now allow extra-territorial voting in some form, but the research literature on this topic remains underdeveloped. Moreover, even though extra-territorial voting raises issues about the relationship between territory and political obligation that are relevant to political geographers, political geography has been under-represented in discussions on the topic. Against this background, this research examines a century of overseas voting impacts in New Zealand, a country with an unusually long recorded history of such activity. The study identifies three types of extra-territorial voting impact over the period 1914-2011, referred to as swings, interregnums and feedback effects.  相似文献   

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In this article I begin by sketching the main events in a recent dispute over the allocation of fishing quota among Maori. I seek to shed some light on the ideological grounding of this dispute in the simultaneous individualisation and tribalisation of Maori society since the late 19th century. Because the New Zealand nation is now imagined as an essentially binary one (bicultural, or treaty‐based) there is no secure place for urban indigeneity which constitutes a third voice. The inability of urban Maori Authorities to gain a share of the fishing quota is a reflection of this binarism.  相似文献   

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“When the Welsh language dies the Welsh Congregational Union of Monmouth will of necessity die. The day of the burial of the Welsh language will be the burial day of the Union, which for centuries has been the means of the hands of God's Spirit to turn many to the Saviour. When the Welsh language expires, the spirituality and sacredness of religion will expire at the same time.”[1]The cultural transition from Welsh to English in the developing South Wales coalfield before 1914 is reflected in the language used in Baptist chapels. Nonconformist chapels were foci of the emerging industrial culture, and the Baptists had a universal appeal to both Welsh- and English-speaking populations. The geographical distribution of Baptist chapels categorized by language of foundation is analysed in three chronological phases, during which the coalfield was transformed from a uniformly Welsh cultural area before 1860, through an intervening phase of linguistic heterogeneity, to a situation in the final phase after 1890, when the dominance of Welsh was restricted to the western section only. Moreover, the period after the foundation of a Welsh chapel was characterized by linguistic instability, since processes at work in the community created pressures for linguistic change from Welsh to English. The ensuing linguistic transition from monoglot Welsh through bilingualism to monoglot English is examined in the Monmouthshire section of the coalfield, and suggests a progressive “rolling-back” of Welsh from east to west, a rapid and regular process in which bilingualism was only a transient resting-place.  相似文献   

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正如果有人要问我,新西兰南岛自驾给我留下最深的印象是什么,我会毫不犹豫地回答两个字:冰川。新西兰南岛西海岸有着世界上最容易接近的冰川。这里的弗朗兹·约瑟夫冰川和福克斯冰川从海拔3000米的南阿尔卑斯山脉南麓淌下,一直延伸到海拔270米左右的温带雨林。由于海拔较低,气候温暖,人们可以用各种方式去亲近冰川:冰川终端徒步、冰川行走、直升机空中观光等等。  相似文献   

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<正>如果有人要问我,新西兰南岛自驾给我留下最深的印象是什么,我会毫不犹豫地回答两个字:冰川。新西兰南岛西海岸有着世界上最容易接近的冰川。这里的弗朗兹·约瑟夫冰川和福克斯冰川从海拔3000米的南阿尔卑斯山脉南麓淌下,一直延伸到海拔270米左右的温带雨林。由于海拔较低,气候温暖,人们可以用各种方式去亲近冰川:冰川终端徒步、冰川行走、直升机空中观光等等。  相似文献   

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This paper reintroduces the concept of mass migration into debates concerning the timing and nature of New Zealand’s settlement by Polynesians. Upward revisions of New Zealand’s chronology show that the appearance of humans on the landscape occurred extremely rapidly, and that within decades settlements had been established across the full range of climatic zones. We show that the rapid appearance of a strong archaeological signature in the early 14th century AD is the result of a mass migration event, not the consequence of gradual demographic growth out of a currently unidentified earlier phase of settlement. Mass migration is not only consistent with the archaeological record but is supported by recent findings in molecular biology and genetics. It also opens the door to a new phase of engagement between archaeological method and indigenous Maori and Polynesian oral history and tradition.  相似文献   

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This paper focuses on the first three decades of deaconess involvement in the New Zealand Methodist Maori Mission. Drawing upon church policy statements, deaconess narratives of experience which entered the public domain, as well as reminiscences which did not, it situates the deaconess missionaries in relation to the assimilationist discourses and gender assumptions of their day. It considers how Pakeha (European) deaconesses' potential as cultural intermediaries and models of white femininity was shaped by the particular histories of the areas in which they worked, by their own anomalous status within their denomination and by the spread of competing, secular channels of influence. As the sisters added a social work role to evangelism and education, many were drawn into close association with Maori communities, acting as advocates for Maori causes and challenging derogatory Pakeha constructs of Maori lifestyles.  相似文献   

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唐仕春 《历史研究》2012,(3):161-171,192
1914年,袁世凯政府将清末以来陆续设置的地方审判厅裁撤三分之二,初级审判厅全部裁并。①该事件"几欲举司法而根本推翻之",②被当作中国推行新法制过程中的一大逆流,③成为此后整个民国时期司法与行政不分的背景,以及初级审判组织迟迟无法建立的源头。从江庸等亲历者的回顾,到当前韩秀桃、吴永明、李超、李在全等学者的论著,都涉及这一近代法制  相似文献   

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Stephen Levine (Ed.), Politics in New Zealand: A Reader, Allen and Unwin, 1978.

Alan McRobie and Nigel S. Roberts, Election ‘78. The 1977 Electoral Redistribution and the 1978 General Election in New Zealand, John McIndoe, 1978.  相似文献   


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Engagement with the state has rarely been a comfortable association for environmental movement groups. As Dryzek (1996) illustrates, the conditions for the benign inclusion of environmental and other social movement groups are quite complex, usually requiring not just an intersection between movement and state aspirations but also the continued presence of movement groups in civil society as a democratic counterweight to state power. New Zealand's environmental movement, after a decade of relative political obscurity, may once again be presented with opportunities for political inclusion following the election of a LabourAlliance coalition and seven Green Party representatives in late 1999. This article reflects on the New Zealand environmental movement's past engagement with the state in the light of Dryzek's criteria for benign political inclusion, highlighting the extent of the challenge presented to groups in the movement and the opportunities for future reconciliation with the state.  相似文献   

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