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This article reconstructs the bitter political argument betweenLord Salisbury and Harold Macmillan over decolonization. Inorder to do so it makes extensive use of their private papers.It describes their view of each other and their political manoeuvres.The article argues that Macmillan and Salisbury themselves wereso obsessed by their conflict that it dominated much of theprime minister's thinking on the empire throughout his premiership.The obsessive nature of the struggle was a result of genuineideological differences but took on its particular characterbecause the two principals had known each since their schooldays.The account contends that a political contest between intimatescan best be understood through the lens of ‘intimate history’.  相似文献   

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This article examines  Esquire  magazine's editorial refashioning after the Second World War to analyse the production of the gendered consuming subject. At issue is the question of how the American male consumer is discursively legitimised and incorporated into the marketplace. While myriad studies exist that demonstrate the centrality of women to consumer culture, little has been written on how men come to identify themselves as consuming subjects. This article approaches the question by examining  Esquire 's cultivation of the 'Uncommon Man' as an idealised masculine consumer subject. Through this formula,  Esquire  opened a discursive space which legitimised the male consumer as a thoroughly modern and masculine figure.  相似文献   

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耿志 《安徽史学》2011,(4):65-73
麦克米伦执政时期,塞浦路斯已成为英国的一种负担。岛内希腊族人要求归并希腊,为此与土耳其族人、英国殖民当局发生的武装冲突愈演愈烈。由于希腊和土耳其的介入,塞浦路斯问题日益复杂化和国际化。出于现实的考虑,麦克米伦政府不断修改对塞浦路斯的政策,最终在保留英国军事基地主权的前提下同意塞浦路斯独立。英国由此从塞浦路斯的泥淖中得以脱身,塞浦路斯岛内则获得了短暂的和平。  相似文献   

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Diane B. Kunz. The Economic Diplomacy of the Suez Crisis . Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991. xii + 295 pp. Notes, bibliography, index. $39.95.  相似文献   

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Harold Macmillan opposed appeasement, but the precise nature of his involvement remains unclear. It is straightforward enough to note that his assessments proved to have been perceptive, and that the pro and anti-appeasement divide remained influential within the post-war Conservative Party; but his close alignment with anti-appeasement sentiment before the war has been treated with a degree of scepticism that this article believes to be wholly unfair, and which it seeks to address by arguing that, throughout the period in question, Macmillan followed a logically consistent and sincere path based upon a nuanced understanding of the situation that was intrinsically linked to the economic policy preferences for which he was better known. From this, Macmillan can be portrayed as having been a credible opponent of appeasement, which has potentially interesting implications for future studies into the post-war Conservative Party, and how he approached the Cold War as Prime Minister.  相似文献   

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This article examines postwar British foreign policy by analysingthe decision-making process in Whitehall during the ‘deadlinecrisis’, the months between Khrushchev's ultimatum inNovember 1958 and Macmillan's famous voyage of discovery inFebruary 1959. The role played by the then British governmentduring this critical period of the Cold War was widely ignoreduntil the opening of the British archives for the late 1950sand early 1960s, under the thirty-year rule. Since then, scholarshave paid more attention to it. Diplomatic history is affectedgreatly by lack of access to public records; by utilizing previouslywithheld government documents, this paper results in a considerablereassessment of Britain's policy during the early cirisis months.Contrary to conventional wisdom, it argues that Macmillan'scontinuous attempts to shape alliance policy from behind thecurtain put alliance consensus at risk, provoked a deep breachof confidence and so diminshed his scope for effective actionseverely. His visit to Moscow did, in fact, achieve very little,if anything at all.  相似文献   

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Scholars have applauded and critiqued the "equity" dimensions of the four-year mayoral administration of Harold Washington in Chicago (1983–1987). Much of the debate has centered on haw to assess the progress of equity planning and implementation in specific contexts, whether it has produced concrete outcomes for poor communities, become institutionalized, or changed civic decisionmaking structures. This article attempts to capture the contested and emergent quality of equity planning in the Washington administration by examining its focus on jobs in some detail. The jobs goal–derived from neighborhood experience of economic change–became a central element of Washington's 1983 mayoral campaign and one of the key development goals of the administration. The administration pursued an array of jobs policies and programs, attempting to link economic development with employment services, hold accountable those firms receiving public incentives, retain manufacturing, and provide equitable access to city resources. By the end of Washington's first term, many economic development accomplishments had been achieved but the administration also experienced dilemmas that challenged the jobs goal and its equity potential–for example, the connection between local investment and regional and national economic policies. Consideration of the early experiences of the Washington administration in Chicago in formulating and implementing job policies and programs clarifies the difficulties of a broad-based and sustainable equity program. These lessons are particularly useful today as many low-income advocates, municipalities, and states struggle to reform workforce and economic development systems.  相似文献   

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