共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 78 毫秒
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魏晋南北朝时代(公元220—589年)是我国古代战争频繁和政局最不稳定的时代。从魏文帝起至晋武帝灭吴,统一全国,经历了60年的战争。西晋统一后,全国仅11年(公元280—291年)无战争。随后,直到公元439年北魏统一中国北方时,前后共经历了148年的长期战争,作为我国经济文化中心的黄河流域几乎遭到彻底的破坏。东晋和南朝统治的长江流域及其以南地区也发生过战乱和政权更替,以及南朝与北朝之间的战争。但从全国整体来看,东晋和南朝时期战争较少,政局较稳。所以,长江 相似文献
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范文澜同志著《中国通史简编》称东晋、南朝为“长江流域经济文化发展时期”,称北朝为“黄河流域各族大融化时期”;以后出版的几种关于中国通史的书,也多用“南方经济大发展,北方民族大融合”或类似的词句来概括东晋、十六国和南北朝的历史。我馆《中国通史陈列》三国、两晋、南北朝部份的总标题,采用了这个提法。几年来未闻有什么不同意见,可见这个观点已被普遍接受。 相似文献
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东晋(317—420年)、南朝(420—589年)时期,是我国南方经济得到开发和发展的重要时期。《宋书》记载这一时期经济的发展情况说:“江南之为国盛矣,虽南包象浦,西括邛山,至于外奉贡赋,内充府实,止于荆、扬二州。自汉氏以来,民户雕耗,荆楚四战之地,五达之郊,井邑残亡,万不余一也。自义熙十一年司马休之外奔,至于元嘉末,三十有九载,兵车勿用,民不外劳,役宽务简,氓庶繁息,至余粮栖亩,户不夜扁,盖东西之极盛也。既扬部分析,境极江 相似文献
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东晋南朝时期江南士族盛行门第婚,但在山东等士族门第婚盛行的唐代初期社会中却淡化了传统婚姻观念,走上务实进取的风格。这应该是在政坛上渐渐活跃的江南士族的适应性努力的表现。 相似文献
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敦煌、吐鲁番出土了一批东晋、南朝时期的文献,它们大多为佛经,也有道经,以及儒家典籍、书札,其中佛道写经的发愿文题记均有纪年,且含有丰富的历史信息,学术价值极高。从发愿文题记可知,这些东晋、南朝文献大多抄写于南方,通过当时东南与西北之间的交通渠道,最终流入到敦煌、吐鲁番等西北地区。这一情况证实:在东晋十六国南北朝时期,西... 相似文献
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南北位置的转换 中国古代造型艺术活动系统是一个在时空中不断运动的实体,在一个相当长的时期里,古代艺术重心进行着一场大规模的南北空间迁移运动。(图一)从两千年来区域艺术活动发展大趋势看:北方最初处于高水平主导位置而最终为南方所取代。中国古代艺术重心缘起于北方(黄河中下游流域)而最终归宿于南方(以长江三角洲为核心地区),这个变化的发生和形成是颇耐人寻味的。对其运动变化机理试析如下: 相似文献
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S. C. Chin 《Reviews in Anthropology》2013,42(1-4):167-173
Richards, Paul. Indigenous Agricultural Revolution: Ecology and Food Production in West Africa. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1985. No frontmatter. 192 pp. including appendix, bibliography, and index. $22.50 cloth. Marten, Gerald G., ed. Traditional Agriculture in Southeast Asia: A Human Ecology Perspective. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1986. xxvi + 358 pp. including figures and tables, chapter references, and index. $36.50 cloth. 相似文献
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N. P. Mouzelis 《Development and change》1973,4(3):73-88
Modernization among Peasants: The Impact of Communication, by Everett M. Rogers in association with L. Svenning Modernising Peasant Societies: A Comparative Study in Asia and Africa, by Guy Hunter Agrarian Problems and Peasant Movements in Latin America, edited by Rodolfo Stavenhagen Les classes sociales dans les sociétés agraires, by Rodolfo Stavenhagen 相似文献
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ABSTRACT International development aid has in recent years sought to strengthen youths’ societal participation by cooperation between international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) and local youth associations. In this paper, we address and conceptualise some of the underlying causes that may enable and/or limit such efforts to support youth participation in the global south. We seek to contribute to the growing literature exploring the multiple scales of young people's political agency. A core argument proposed is that notions of generational relationality, as seen in the case of international development aid targeting youth, must include conceptions of power as a topological relation across space. 相似文献
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绿色发展的基本内涵及重大意义 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
从传统的"黑色发展"转向现代的"绿色发展",是近半个世纪以来人类对自身以牺牲资源环境为代价的发展模式深刻反思的结果。面对全球"绿色工业革命"的重大机遇,青海作为一个欠发达地区也只有抓住这次绿色发展的机会,才能实现跨越式发展。 相似文献
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Debate on the ‘securitization’ of aid and international development since 9/11 has been anchored in two key claims: that the phenomenon has been driven and imposed by western governments and that this is wholly unwelcome and deleterious for those in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world. This article challenges both of these assumptions by demonstrating how a range of African regimes have not only benefited from this dispensation but have also actively encouraged and shaped it, even incorporating it into their own militarized state‐building projects. Drawing on the cases of Chad, Ethiopia, Uganda and Rwanda—four semi‐authoritarian polities which have been sustained by the securitization trend—we argue that these developments have not been an accidental by‐product of the global ‘war on terror’. Instead, we contend, they have been the result of a deliberate set of choices and policy decisions by these African governments as part of a broader ‘illiberal state‐building’ agenda. In delineating this argument we outline four major strategies employed by these regimes in this regard: ‘playing the proxy’; simultaneous ‘socialization’ of development policy and ‘privatization’ of security affairs; making donors complicit in de facto regional security arrangements; and constructing regime ‘enemies’ as broader, international threats. 相似文献
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Se-Hun Kim 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2019,25(1):110-123
ABSTRACTThis study examines the use of culture in South Korean community development by analyzing four cases of ‘Initiative for Creating Culture Communities in Everyday Life’ (ICCE) and their development discourses. Effectively mobilized by the state during the period of industrialization and modernization that began in the 1960s, culture has been utilized for social development by the South Korean government since the 2000s. The complex relationship between development and culture in terms of economic and social approaches is reflected in the development discourses of ICCE projects. Indeed, as an alternative to previous economic approaches, these projects show that the government still strongly intervenes in social development through symbolic power. To examine this process, we administered a semi-structured questionnaire and held in-depth interviews with eight members of the government-led ICCE project, including its practitioners, artists, and residents. This study finds that despite its efforts to decrease direct intervention in the development of these societies, government power is strongly exercised in symbolic form through discursive practices. We thus suggest that to prevent a specific participant from unilaterally possessing symbolic power in the development process, the government should create an environment in which various agents can participate in the development discourse. 相似文献
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From sustainable development to carbon control: eco-state restructuring and the politics of urban and regional development 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Aidan While rew E G Jonas David Gibbs 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2010,35(1):76-93
The management of carbon emissions holds some prospect for challenging sustainable development as the organising principle of socio-environmental regulation. This paper explores the rise of a distinctive low-carbon polity as an ideological state project, and examines its potential ramifications for the regulation of economy–environment relations at the urban and regional scale. Carbon control would seem to introduce a new set of values into state regulation and this might open up possibilities for challenging mainstream modes of urban and regional development in a manner not possible under sustainable development. But low-carbon restructuring also portends intensified uneven development, new forms of state control and a socially uneven reworking of state–society relations. In order to explore these issues we start by setting out a framework for conceptualising environmental regulation based around the idea of eco-state restructuring. This idea is introduced to capture the conflicts, power struggles and strategic selectivities involved as governments seek to reconcile environmental protection with multiple other pressures and demands. Overall the paper seeks to make a distinctive contribution to theoretical work on state environmental regulation and the emerging spatial dimensions of climate policy. 相似文献
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贯彻落实科学发展观促进经济又快又好发展 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
“十一五”时期,青海省经济社会将在一个新的更高的起点上向前发展。做好“十一五”时期的各项工作,促进经济又快又好发展,必须按照立足科学发展、着力自主创新、完善体制机制、促进社会和谐的总要求,始终坚持以科学发展观统领经济社会发展全局,牢牢把握保持经济平衡较快发展这项重大原则,紧紧抓住加快经济结构战略性调整这条主线,切实解决大力转变经济增长方式这个关键问题,坚持实现不断提高各族人民生活水平这个根本目的,转变发展观念,创新发展模式,提高发展质量。 相似文献
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本文针对延边地区民族文化产业发展现状及存在的问题,提出延边地区民族文化产业的发展对策,通过实例分析,论述民族文化产业如何利用当地的民族文化资源,促进本区域的经济文化的协调和可持续发展. 相似文献