历史批判与现实关怀:清代中期史学家的风俗论

探讨古今风俗之流变及其与历史演进的关系,是清代中期史学发展上的一个重要现象。清代中期的史学家评论风俗的重点,一是考察了清代以前风俗对朝代盛衰的积极和消极影响;二是批判清代中期社会上出现的不良风气,倡导士大夫阶层在引领风俗的良性发展上扮演重要角色,特别强调士大夫要树立廉耻观念。他们还总结出风俗的时代性、相对稳定性、地域性和民族性等特征。清代中期的风俗论,反映了考史学家的经世思想,体现了乾嘉史学的历史批判精神和关怀现实的学术品格,具有重要的现实价值和学术意义。     

The political nature of taxation in Visigothic Spain

This paper is an attempt to analyse taxation from a wide-ranging social perspective. Earlier studies of this topic have focused on institutional aspects of taxation and produced statistical information of great value. The historian who is trying to understand the social structures of the past should, however, examine the significance, nature and function of taxation in its wider historical context. In this sense, and in the specific case of post-Roman, or Visigothic, Spain, a study of the social aspects of taxation reveals new meanings of the term 'politics', showing it to involve far more than a single inflexible concept independent of social factors. On the one hand, one should not equate taxation with fiscality, because the latter is one part (that concerning the fiscus or royal patrimony) of the wider whole comprised by the former: the capacity of the regnum to yield tribute, which is in turn related to revenue extracted by the aristocracy. It was the fiscal dimension of taxation that allowed the Visigothic kingdom to survive in Spain for two centuries. On the other hand, the centre, occupied by different sectors of the potentes , negotiated with other groups of these same potentes . These negotiations underlay military support for the centre, as well as provoking crises and mistrust when they were bypassed. Taxation was an integral part of such negotiations.     

旅游发展对乡村社区人际关系的影响研究——以丹霞山为例

随着旅游业的发展,一种以经济为纽带的新型乡村邻里关系正在建立,但国内学界对此缺乏关注。本文以丹霞山旅游区内的瑶塘村和断石村为案例,在确定了人际关系的衡量框架并对其可能的变化作出假设后,通过深度访谈、问卷调查的方法进行实地调研并检验假设,探讨旅游业所起的作用和影响。研究发现:除了一般认识上的负面影响,如交往时间减少、当地村民淳朴性下降等,旅游发展对人际关系还有较大正面作用,如提高了当地的文明程度、减少了村民日常交往中的摩擦、增加了新型的集体活动等。     

劳工地理研究新进展评述

在经济地理学的研究中,劳工常常被看作是与自然资源、资金、技术等同类的经济要素,只重视劳动成本,忽视了劳工作为社会活动主要参与者的角色。近年来,劳工地理研究取得了长足的进展,弥补了传统地理学研究的不足。全球化背景下的工人运动、劳工组织和地方劳工控制体制,劳工市场的空间分割,不同政治、经济和文化背景下的农区劳工地方化逐渐成为劳工地理的重要研究方向。     

The Potential Impact of Disability Studies on Political Science (as well as vice-versa)

The conjunction of two seemingly disparate fields of research such as disability studies and political science creates the potential of yielding results that are either familiar or unexpected. On the one hand, it is probable that the merger of these subjects might contribute insights that could expand the scope of investigations about disability and add one more important element to policy analysis. On the other hand, it is also possible that the reciprocal impact of these areas of research could expose significant anomalies in the dominant paradigms of either or both fields that might have a lasting effect. The first portion of this paper examines the impact of political science on disability studies; the second part assesses the potential effect of disability studies on political science; and the final segment explores the prospects for a new paradigm in political science that would permit an increased analysis of social movements and political identity, theories of social change, the phenomenon of paternalism, and the implications of differences in physical appearance.     

近代学术转型中的子史关系——以国粹派“诸子亦史”说为中心

“诸子亦史”说是清末时期国粹派提出的重要创见,是中国传统学术转型的表现形态之一。该说的提出,一方面,基于清代学者章学诚、龚自珍等关于诸子与史关系的思考;另一方面,缘于在晚清经今古文之争的情境中,反思康有为对孔子及诸子的宗教化阐释。章太炎、邓实、刘师培虽对子史关系的论证方式存在差别,但皆主张“诸子亦史”。就其内涵而言,“诸子亦史”说是“六经皆史”说的延伸和深化,是“诸子出于王官论”的另一种表述,是“尊史”意识下的诸子学重构。此后,老辈学人张尔田、孙德谦、江璨皆有类似的学术主张,反映了清末民初诸子学发展中的学术共识。从学术转型的角度来看,“诸子亦史”说扩展了史学的范围,提升了史学的地位;增强了诸子学的社会角色,进一步推动了诸子学的复兴;提供了诸子学的史学化之内生转型路径。     

民初“自由”报刊的自由观

在近代中国,尽管不能断言标名“自由”的报刊必定奉行自由主义,也有主张自由主义的报刊不以“自由”为标签,但那些自称为“自由”的刊物,显然应是考察近代中国自由主义历史轨迹的重要凭借。清季自由观念逐渐传播普及,以自由为名号的人士日渐增多。继《申报》开辟“自由谈”栏目,民初至少出现了9家标名为“自由”的报刊,主要分为两类,其一为自由党系统在各地的机关报,其二为以游戏文章追求思想、言论、出版三大自由的报刊。二者在反对各地政权的舆论压制时坚决维护言论自由,但政治上并未高揭自由主义的旗帜,其形象的社会观感亦不甚佳。此后直到抗日战争爆发,才再度出现以“自由”为名的报刊数量激增的情形,自由主义成为部分报刊的思想旗帜和政治目标。     

文化锋面的地理学诠释

文化锋面是指两种不同特质的文化相遇所形成的文化过渡现象,是两种社会气团之间的交错带。文化锋面具有不均质性、动态性、复杂性和地域性等特点。根据成因、形态、要素和演化状况等标准,文化锋面可分为许多不同的类型。与文化过渡区(带)、文化边界(界面)等概念相比,文化锋面不仅形象通俗,而且表达准确,内涵丰富。文化锋面和传统文化地理学主题具有密切的联系,但又相互独立,其研究对文化地理学具有重大的理论与现实意义。     

从科学到政治:全球变暖问题的历史演变

国际社会在对待全球变暖问题上经历了从科学回应到政治回应的发展过程。一方面,全球变暖科学理论的发展为国际气候科学界达成有关共识提供了基础,同时为政治家的政治决策提供了相关的科学背景知识,从而为全球变暖问题在20世纪80年代的政治化创造了必要的前提条件。另一方面,国际社会对全球变暖问题的政治回应过程反映了更为复杂的国家集团间的利益矛盾,主要包括南北矛盾和北方内部的矛盾,它们的妥协和合作是确保温室气体减排成功的关键因素。     

Sexual relationships and working lives of free Afro-Caribbean women

The article explores how the sexual relationships and working lives of free Afro-Caribbean women in the town of Christiansted, St. Croix, the Danish-Norwegian West Indies, were affected by discourses of race and gender during the period c. 1780–1820. To further the understanding of the conditions of the free Afro-Caribbean women in Christiansted, the article relates to the situation in other Caribbean colonies, especially the British West Indies, based on the assumption that it was the same discourses of race and gender that swept through all the Caribbean slave societies. I n its approach, the article is inspired by concepts of race and gender in postcolonial studies.

The investigation shows the prevalence in the Danish-Norwegian West Indies of discourses of Afro-Caribbean women as, on the one hand, unwomanly and physically strong and, on the other hand, promiscuous and of easy virtue. On this basis, the article argues that the interplay between these gendered racial discourses and the social practices of the free Afro-Caribbean women were in fact far more complex than previous international research has suggested. In the sexual and work relations of daily life, discourses were interpreted more fluently, and a number of competing conditions and ideas challenged or worked against the idea of Afro-Caribbean racial inferiority. Among these were, for instance, the women’s social position and European ideas of work appropriate for women.     

Empire and ethnicity†

ABSTRACT. Historians and social scientists have typically assumed a conflictual or exploitative relationship between empire and ethnicity. On the one hand, empire might be seen (as perhaps Ernest Gellner saw it in Nations and Nationalism) as a superstructure of coercion to which a group of ethnic units were subject. On the other (according to an influential view), empire fabricated ethnicities (tribes or castes) to divide and rule. This article suggests that both of these views are too crude. In the British case at least (and in the modern history of empire, no generalisation that excludes the British case has much value), ‘imperial ethnicity’ was a much more subtle phenomenon. It existed ‘at home’ as one element in a more complex identity. It was a powerful force in British settler societies, where an indigenous identity could not be imagined. And, perhaps surprisingly, it was deeply attractive to some colonial elites in Asia and Africa – at least for a time.     

Cleaning up after the Celtic Tiger: scalar 'fixes' in the political ecology of Tiger economies

This paper explores intersections between political economy and nature in the so-called Tiger economies that have risen to prominence since the 1960s. Whilst Tiger states are in many ways emblematic of the extremes of late capitalism, they are nevertheless characterized by socio-natural environments that are distinctive, both in terms of the political and economic interests that have underpinned them and their rates of production. Whilst produced under a distinctive set of capitalist social relations, the dialectical reading offered herein chooses to foreground the agency that socio-nature itself possesses in relation to prevalent class interests. This agency is conceptualized in terms of a series of cultural wars over transformed nature. Using a theoretically provocative case study that examines the politics of waste management in Ireland, the paper argues that in reflecting upon the role of such culture wars in the constitution of dominant social relations in Tiger states, the concepts of scalar strategies and struggles over scale may prove useful. Whilst social contests over the scaling of governance have tended thus far to focus upon the dialectical relations between scale and political economy, the paper argues that ecological projects too are fundamentally produced by and implicated in the structuration of scale. In calling for dialogue between political ecological studies and recent work in geography that has sought to theorize scale as a social process, the paper hopes to contribute towards the development of a political ecology of Tiger states.     

WHAT'S IN A PLACE? AN APPROACH TO THE CONCEPT OF PLACE,AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE BRITISH NATIONAL UNION OF MINEWORKERS' STRIKE, 1984–85

There have been several calls in recent years for a revival of regional geography, focusing on the individuality of places and their roles as contexts within which social structuration occurs. As yet, little has been written about the ways in which such work can be undertaken, providing a framework for the study of places that both emphasises their individuality and sets them in the context of social theory. Using the example of a particular event, the 1984–85 National Union of Mineworkers' strike in Great Britain, and the individuality of one place during that event, this essay provides an initial framework for defining the nature of a place.     

大学校史研究中的若干问题

学校的历史,是一个学校整体的历史。因其在教育史、文化史、社会史上的特殊地位,使得它的研究具有一般历史研究所不具备的特殊意义。但在中国特殊的国情下,一方面是大学离散聚合频繁,存亡继绝难测,从而加大了校史研究的复杂性;另一方面又因缺乏历史学者的参与,而使得大学校史的撰写存在诸多缺憾,校史的研究难成一门“显学”。     

Networks and Innovation: The Role of Social Assets in Explaining Firms' Innovative Capacity

The claim of a positive association between a firm's social assets and its innovative capacity is a widely debated topic in the literature. Although controversial, such an argument has informed recent innovation policy across Germany, increasingly directed to the cluster formation. In the light of the growing attention and financial efforts that cluster-based innovation policies are receiving, it is worth answering two main questions. First, are firms with a relatively high level of social capital likely to be more innovative? Secondly, do companies pursuing innovation in partnership innovate more? This paper empirically answers these questions by exploring a cross-sectoral sample of 248 firms based in the Jena region. On the one hand, the extent to which a firm is integrated in its community life does not contribute to an explanation of its innovative performance. On the other hand, directed cooperation with the specific goal of innovating shows a positive impact on innovative performance. However, the correlation between the extent of the network of co-innovators and firms' innovative capacity presents an inverted U-shaped relation: there is a threshold in the number of co-innovators justified by the costs of innovating by interacting. A policy lesson can be drawn from these findings: cluster-based policies are to be treated with caution as firms face costs of networking and not merely benefits.     

18世纪末至19世纪中期英国在印度的“文明使命”

在"文明使命"价值观的指引下,英国人在印度扮演的角色,既是征服者和殖民者,又是统治者和开化者.他们在治理与掠夺印度的过程中,摧毁了印度原有的社会与经济结构,推进了印度社会的近代化,用强力手段将古老的印度拉进了以英国为中心的世界资本主义体系.     

Household migration and the structuration of patriarchy: evidence from the USA

"The article begins by summarizing the evidence on the gender dimension of migration for married (or cohabiting) couples using material from the USA.... The article goes on to argue that there is a need to view the 'wife's sacrifice' which typically results from such migration not solely from within the household but in the context of society as a whole. The gendered experience of migration is then linked to structures of patriarchy utilizing insights derived from structuration theory. Finally, as an agenda for the future, it is argued that any sustained attack on patriarchy in the context of migration also requires a critical engagement with the normative status of residential migration more generally. This necessitates dealing with the economic logic of capitalism itself."     

Anarchy,Geography and Drift

Abstract: The consumerist economies of the late modern city, in combination with contemporary models of urban policing, operate to close down the public spaces of social life. In response, social groups dedicated to democratic urbanism utilize anarchic tactics of “dis‐organization” and direct action to reopen public space and to revitalize it with unregulated activity. Complicating and animating these spatial conflicts is the issue of drift. On the one hand, consumerist economies and contemporary policing strategies exacerbate urban drift, spawning the very sorts of spatial transgression they seek to control. On the other hand, many of the progressive movements that battle for open space and alternative economic arrangements themselves embrace a culture of drift, and explore drift for its anarchic and progressive potential. In this context drift can usefully be investigated as an emergent form of epistemology, community, and spatial politics.     

Fulfilling Promises of More Substantive Democracy? Post‐neoliberalism and Natural Resource Governance in South America

Benefiting from the commodity boom, progressive governments across South America have sought to move away from the neoliberal policies adopted previously by strengthening the role of the state and using revenues from commodity exports to address social concerns. This approach, often called neo‐extractivism, has become the main development strategy over the past 15 years. Yet, the increasingly intensive and extensive natural resource exploitation underlying this development strategy has also led to multiple protests and contestations across South America. This article thus examines the relationship between neo‐extractivism as a development strategy and the quality of democracy under progressive governments in South America. On the one hand, neo‐extractivism has allowed states to become more inclusive by paying attention to social concerns which in turn has been an important element in the legitimacy of progressive governments. On the other hand, the reliance on neo‐extractivism as the main development strategy poses important constraints on the ability of post‐neoliberal states to build more substantive democracies which could take into account a variety of positions, give citizens a say in decisions directly affecting their livelihoods, and promote public debates on key questions confronting society.