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1.
A variety of microfossils, originating from plant foods, become trapped in the dental calculus matrix. Processing of dental calculus allows extraction of these microfossils. The resulting data can be used to reconstruct diet at the individual and population levels as the identification of microfossils like starch grains and phytoliths to the generic level, and sometimes to the species level, is possible. However, in some archaeological sites, dental calculus deposits do not preserve well enough to be processed. To prevent the loss of information in such cases, we present a technique, called “dental wash”. It permits extracting microfossils from cryptic dental calculus deposits. In the two experimental archaeological cases presented herein we identified phytoliths, starch grains as well as a diatom fragment with this method, whereas in a control sample no microfossils were found. Moderate damage to the teeth was detected when they were already friable due to poor preservation. Minor damage to the surface of well-preserved teeth was observed. This indicates that the proposed method is efficient in recovering microfossils, but unacceptable because of damage to teeth. If the method can be refined, it will expand the potential of dental calculus analysis to a greater range of archeological sites.  相似文献   

2.
The rise of the psychoanalytic approach to behavioral medicine in the early part of the 20th century created a unique concept of the nature and the aetiology of epilepsy based upon dynamic psychopathology. As a direct result of this a radical change in both medical and community perception of this condition was generated, and this was to persist up to and beyond the mid-century mark. This historical note details the adoption, and the rise and fall of this concept of "the epileptic constitution", and a consideration of the negative effects that flowed from this, permeating all areas of psychiatry, neurology and even the criminal justice system.  相似文献   

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本文写于八年前,针对的是陈淳先生的《中石器时代研究随笔》(《中国文物报》2000年3月15日第三版)。作者在他的文章中指斥“玉器时代”是“时髦”而且“毫无意义的概念”。文章一面鄙薄玉器时代及其研究者,一面标榜自己关注的对象是“非同寻常”的“重要课题”。我认为这种一元价值观对于学术研究十分有害。我的文章要点在最后一段,自认为是点穴之笔。  相似文献   

4.
中国原史时代论纲   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
钱耀鹏 《文博》2002,(2):12-16,80
在考古学不断发展的基础上,中国古代文明起源问题研究日渐成为重要的学术课题之一。但在文明起源问题研究过程中,又产生了一些新的理论困惑,即如“文明”与“史前”的概念冲突等等。因此,人们不得不重新检讨以文字或文字制度为标准的史前与历史时代这一划分方案的准确性,并由此引发了有关中国历史分期问题以划分“原史时代”必要性的探索和思考。  相似文献   

5.
庙底沟时代与“早期中国”   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
韩建业 《考古》2012,(3):59-69,109
仰韶文化东庄—庙底沟类型时期,中国大部分地区的考古学文化首次交融联系形成以中原为核心的文化共同体,这个文化共同体所处的新时代即为庙底沟时代。总体来看,庙底沟时代是在公元前4000年前后仰韶文化东庄—庙底沟类型对外强力扩张影响下形成的,其到来标志着"早期中国文化圈"或文化上"早期中国"的形成。  相似文献   

6.
The concept of cultural evolution profoundly affected the objectives and methods employed in the social sciences in the earlier part of this century but it has largely been ignored by geographers. In recent years a number of American cultural anthropologists have re-examined the concept of cultural evolution, including Sahlins and Service, who consider that cultural evolution is analogous to biological evolution involving the diversification of cultural forms through adaptive modification and the progress of culture through successive levels of development. They have called these two processes specific evolution and general evolution respectively and from these two perspectives on cultural evolution they have developed the Law of Cultural Dominance. Certain operational problems exist in the application of the concept of cultural evolution, but once they have been surmounted it promises to constitute a valuable mode of explanation in the analysis of cultures and cultural change.  相似文献   

7.
中国是世界上四大文明古国之一,历史悠久,在研究中国古代历史的时候,首先涉及的一个问题是文明时代从何时开始?什么时候出现统一的国家?夏代以前的社会怎么称号?这些问题看起来很简单,实际上很复杂,一时难以统一。从大量的文献记载和新的考古发现看,已经为我们探索和解决这些问题提供了大批资料,我认为:中国古代文明时代应该从黄帝开始,这个时代应该叫“五帝时代”。 “五帝时代” 是中国古史中的一时代,《史记》、《竹书纪年》、《世本》、《大戴礼》中的五帝是:黄帝、颛顼、帝喾、尧、舜,《帝王世纪》中的五帝是:少昊、颛…  相似文献   

8.
再论"失蜡工艺不是中国青铜时代的选择"   总被引:6,自引:4,他引:6  
本文从技术史的理论角度论述了"没有需求就没有发明(No need,no invention)"、"没有需求就没有发展"等技术产生发展的客观规律,指出,中国古代(青铜时代)在发达而成体系的青铜范铸技术环境里是不可能孕育发展出"熔模铸造体系"的,并以曾侯乙尊盘的铸造工艺及相关的模拟实验结果作进一步的论证;同时,对中国古代"失蜡工艺"起源于商周青铜器"焚失法"的观点提出质疑,并指出,"失蜡工艺"是在佛教传入中国之后,为铸造"西洋风格"的佛像传入我国.  相似文献   

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Americans have generally seen the principles and objectives proclaimed by President Woodrow Wilson during the First World War as having continued relevance for United States foreign policy. However, they have often differed over their application to specific situations, particularly because there is likely to be a tension between a drive to establish democratic values across the globe and commitment to a universal system of collective security. Rather than seeking a pure, abstract definition of 'Wilsonianism', it is more illuminating to examine its origins and evolution in relation to the development of American foreign policy over the years. Tracing this historical process reveals that Wilson committed himself to a postwar league of nations during the period of American neutrality, but it was only as the United States became a belligerent that the spread of democratic government became a policy objective, and then only in a partial and qualified way. A similar pattern has been discernible in subsequent decades. It has been during conflicts, or the run-up to them, that the more ideological and revisionist aspects of Wilsonian principles have come to the fore, whereas it has been in the aftermath of conflicts that there has been the greatest interest in the potentialities of a universal collective security organization. There has also been a broad shift of emphasis over time. As confidence in America's power position has grown, the core of Wilson's legacy has more often come to be seen as the promotion of democracy rather than the strengthening of international institutions. The persistence of both themes may be seen as reflecting basic and enduring elements of the policy-making context—on the one hand, the interests of the United States as a status quo power, and on the other, the demands of domestic American opinion.  相似文献   

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This paper investigates the durability of the economic underpinnings of the ‘new world order’ allegedly conceived in the Gulf war. Four substantive arguments are advanced: that the mechanism for allied burden‐sharing born in the Gulf war is inferior to its antecedents and inherently more political; that the historically acute economic vulnerability of America's allies to higher oil prices no longer exists; that the prospects for stable and low oil prices through the long run have not been enhanced; and that significant political opportunities for stability in the oil market are evaporating.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Journal rankings for political science have been regularly published, from the 1970s onwards, by the American Political Science Association’s ‘state of the discipline’ journal. Politics journals have also been officially ranked by the Australian Political Studies Association into four bands (A*, A, B and C) from 2007 onwards. This article shows, first, that the assumption grounding these exercises (namely, that disciplinary journal rankings can serve as proxies for the quality of articles in their pages) is undermined by the findings of the broader research evaluation literature, especially with respect to sub-disciplines (like political theory, Australian politics, and some types of qualitative comparative politics) that bear certain characteristics. Next, outlining the findings of a 2018 survey, it is argued that the disciplinary use of journal rankings in political studies not only has damaging effects on research in political theory, but also advantages other sub-disciplines. The paper closes with two recommendations.  相似文献   

18.
基于“洁净”概念的馆藏文物保存环境研究   总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0  
博物馆从事文物保护工作的研究人员一般均会思考这些问题:什么是文物保存的"理想"环境?博物馆环境应当监控哪些指标,为什么长期以来,馆藏文物保存环境的研究和管理几乎都是围绕这两个主题而开展工作,这些研究和管理工作的实施,对博物馆环境的改善起到了积极的推动作用.但是,由于各种条件的限制,目前尚未能在所有的博物馆真正实施.近几年,文物保护研究人员关注于馆藏文物保存环境监测和控制技术的研究,目标在于解决文物保存和展示环境中的污染物如何表征、监测、净化和控制等关键技术问题.本文通过比较研究,提出基于"洁净"概念的馆藏文物保存环境的主要研究内容、监测技术和评估体系,以进一步推动馆藏文物保存环境领域相关应用技术研究的深入开展.  相似文献   

19.
European territorial policies increasingly refer to broad goals such as sustainability, well-being and cohesion. For their operationalization as political goals, there is a need to create indicators. But how can an indicator be meaningful in relation to a complex concept that is not well defined? If the creation of an indicator is primarily aimed at quantifying a concept and making it more operational, in the case of a contested concept (such as territorial cohesion), the process of building indicators also helps stabilize it, allowing a potential decontestation. A participatory constructivist approach – as used by the ESPON project Indicators for Territorial Cohesion (INTERCO) – is considered to be the most suitable for building indicators of contested concepts. While ensuring computability of the indicators, it allows more flexibility and reconciles the different meanings of the concept in order to stabilize it. Ultimately, the validity of indicators of contested concepts lies in pragmatic criteria: usability, usefulness and use.  相似文献   

20.
Debates on the sovereignty of the State and the role of (sub-national) regions have moved on quickly in recent years spurred on by interest in the implications of globalization and (more recently) devolution. Reductionist perspectives on the 'death of State sovereignty' have given way to more balanced understandings that emphasize bottom-up and top-down influences upon State restructuring. Yet the impacts of a changing sovereignty upon policy areas are still largely unknown. This paper seeks to add to these debates and cast some light on potential influences upon and autonomy of the Scottish Parliament vis-à-vis land use planning. The paper argues that despite expectations of policy divergence from academics and practitioners the Scottish Parliament has taken a modest approach to land use planning which mirrors that in the rest of the UK. Yet, the reasons for this are only partly explained by the 'death of the State' theses. Significantly, there is evidence of an expectation of reduced sovereignty which has had an impact upon the anticipation of change. In addition, party political loyalty, ideology, the mechanics of the devolution settlement and the fragmented nature of sovereignty have driven the agenda for planning under the Scottish Parliament all of which point towards a further convergence.  相似文献   

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