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清朝县衙衙役、差役,如皂隶、快手、民壮、门丁、随从、禁卒、刽子手、轿夫、库丁、铺兵、仵作、盐差、粮差、稳婆、官媒等,是典型的“临时工”,他们人数众多,无正式编制,工资很低,每年不过3—4两银子,只够三口之家一个月的伙食费,光靠这点钱,一家人是要上山吃草的,但他们自有生财之道,小日子过得十分滋润。 相似文献
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新疆听说很远,和田听说不近。有时候,旅行不在目的地,而在旅行过程中的奇遇与艳遇。造访流水村,叫我有了想住下来甚至想落难时逃避此地的冲动。选择和田需要决心,更需要充足的时间和单纯的心境。奔玉而来非但短浅,而且失去玉缘。昆仑山、塔克拉玛干大沙漠,胡杨、核桃王、无花果王、梧桐王,玉石、地毯、丝绸,维药、大芸、阿胶,皮亚曼石榴、安迪尔甜瓜、和田玉枣,沙漠玫瑰精油、阿布丹麻糖、和田果酱,烤全羊、抓饭、拌面,道教、佛教、伊斯兰教遗迹,这一切构成鲜明的和田元素。和田的火车通了,北京的飞机直航和田了,北京人、天津人、安徽人都来援建和田了。和田真的很亲,和田真的很美,和田真的值得一看。天堂很远,和田很近。 相似文献
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<正>南京江北地区,指南京长江北岸的浦口、江浦、六合、盱眙、仪征、高邮、宝应等地,以及安徽的天长、滁县、来安、嘉山、定远、全椒、含山、和县、无为、巢县等地。此地区,南与南京城隔长江相望,东抵大运河,西达津浦铁路以西,北临淮河与洪泽湖,面积广大,多为平原与丘陵,物产丰饶,津浦铁路从此地区穿过,北达蚌埠、徐州、济南、天津,南接南京、芜湖、镇江、苏州、上海。1937年12月南京等苏南各城市与芜湖、扬州等地相继沦陷后,南京江北地区的战略地位更加重要。新四军在此地区进行的艰苦抗战,对沦陷的南京城形成最直接、最迅速、最猛烈的冲击与影响。 相似文献
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<正>源远流长话文脉署名明代仇英的《南都繁会景物图卷》,展现的是600年前永乐年间,秦淮河上巳节的热闹景象。画中街市纵横,店铺林立,行人摩肩接踵,广告林林总总。两岸城门、寺庙、官衙、民居、戏台、牌坊、水榭,层叠毗连;金店、银店、药店、茶庄、浴室,鸡行、鸭行、猪行、羊行、粮行、油行、谷行,应有尽有,109家店肆、1000多个不同职业身份的人物,栩栩如生……以上全景式的写实画卷,被后世称为南京版的 相似文献
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人民币是我国法定货币,是几千年中华钱币文化的继承和发展,融政治、经济、文化、科技于一体,集历史、艺术、美学、工艺于一身,内容涉及国家大事、民风民俗、伟人名人、名胜古迹、书法雕刻、冶金铸造等多个方面,知识面广,文化内涵丰富。无论从钱币实物角度,金融经济角度,艺术审美角度,历史文物角度, 相似文献
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孙冬虎 《中国历史地理论丛》2008,23(3)
地名语词的起源及其演变过程即地名的词源,大致可以区分为三种情形:符合历史事实的真词源,可能于史无征但大众约定俗成的颇具民间文学或民俗学价值的俗词源,以及以学术论著面目出现却既不符合史实也有别于俗词源的伪词源。在北京古今地名中,牛栏庄到六郎庄的渐变,广宁门与彰义门及广安门的关系,四川营与棉花胡同的命名缘由,正是对以上三种词源基本特征予以体现的典型例证。 相似文献
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《禹贡》五服制度实质是指以王城所在地为中心、从内到外可以划分为三个大圈:内圈是甸服,是王畿之地;中圈包括侯服和绥服,是大小诸侯所在地;外圈在最外边,包括要服和荒服。五服制度的实质是以理想化的图式描绘出一幅中央与地方及四邻的相互关系的网络图。这三大圈恰好与龙山时代考古学文化分布格局基本吻合。可见,《禹贡》五服制度不会是古人的臆说,而是曲折地反映着龙山时代中原与四邻的相互关系。 相似文献
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在朝鲜战争起源的问题上,学术界一直存在着争论.一些西方学者认为,朝鲜战争是在苏联、中国和朝鲜周密的共谋下发动的,这种说法后来被称为"三国同谋论".但这种说法与最近公开的资料并不相符.本文以中国、苏联的新资料为依据对以往的"三国共谋论"进行了反驳,并得出结论:中国不仅没有参加策划朝鲜战争,而且在一定程度上对发动这场战争持不赞成的态度. 相似文献
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勘合是明清时期证明使节身份的一种官方文书。成化六年(1470)发行的工部班匠勘合是迄今为止已知的年代最为久远的明代勘合,万历三十五年(1607)的兵部驿递勘合上除了发行时填写的内容之外,还有多种官印和戳记。前者呈正方形,后者的主体部分由长方形及其上方的梯形组成。从保留在勘合上的各种官印和戳记,我们可以了解勘合的发行和使用的流程。这些勘合文书的发现,使我们可以根据实物研究明代的勘合制度。 相似文献
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冯贤亮 《中国历史地理论丛》2009,24(2)
太湖流域是一个独立的地文系统,自唐宋以来的经济开发和商业化发展,使这里的民生显得异样繁荣。地方史料中的绝大多数,谈论的都是这里的高额赋税负担和内部经济生活的多样化及地区差异,对于民众生活的环境与卫生问题,直接性的详细记载极少。清代中后期外国人在这一地域内的众多游记和日记,于这方面却有颇为细致的描述,侧重点大多在河流环境、建筑居住、城镇街道景观和饮食卫生等问题,负面性的评述占据了大多数。这一当中固然有太平天国战乱后的影响内容,也有中国人的许多常态生活习惯,更带有外国人的猎奇与鄙薄的眼光,但是在总体上都可反映出中国人长期并不真正重视的环境问题及相对淡漠的卫生观念。而所谓"近代化"的理论推导,大多仅限于1843年开埠后沿江滨海重要城市的一些证据,其实并不符合太湖流域广泛城乡的实际生活。 相似文献
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Aidan Cottrell-Boyce 《The Journal of religious history》2020,44(3):295-318
British-Israelism was a significant movement in British culture in the twentieth century. At its high-point in the mid-twentieth century, card-carrying members of the British-Israel World Federation numbered in the tens of thousands. Several members of the royal family — including King George VI — publicly declared their adherence to British-Israelist doctrine. They have shared this belief with lawmakers and generals, poets and television personalities. British-Israelists believe that the descendants of the biblical polity of Israel are the Anglo-Saxon people of Britain. As such, the British occupation of Jerusalem in 1917 was seen by British Israelists as an event of incomparable prophetic significance. This article explores the ways in which British-Israelists responded to the changing status of Palestine over the course of the short twentieth century. Drawing on the insights of Zygmunt Bauman and of Andrew Crome, I contend that British-Israelism — at times philo-Semitic, at times anti-Semitic — is fundamentally allosemitic in its attitude towards Israel and the Jews. As such, to paraphrase Crome, British-Israelists can “never interact with Israel on its own terms.” 相似文献
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1954年中印协定是20世纪五六十年代中印边界争端中双方争论的一个焦点.当时的印度政府认为,1954年中印协定解决了中印之间包括边界在内的所有悬而未决的问题,是其主张的中印边界中段的条约依据,和平共处五项原则写入协定表明中国确认了印度政府主张的中印边界.中国政府认为,1954年中印协定和写入其中的和平共处五项原则与中印边界无关,更不能表明中国承认了印度主张的任何一段中印边界.中国政府的观点是符合历史事实的.印度政府坚持上述主张及其拒绝续签1954年中印协定的做法,只是为了把其主张的中印边界强加给中国,这对中印关系产生了极坏的影响. 相似文献
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《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(2):177-189
This paper offers literary evidence of the interest in the cult of St James on the part of late medieval Italian pilgrims. While extant written itineraries are few, occasional literary references demonstrate this interest without furnishing precise details of the route to Santiago de Compostela. Compostela holds a special place in chivalric literature: the legendary wars against Muslims in Spain and the status of the warrior Roland as a popular saint derive much of their impetus from the piety centred on Santiago. One episode of the widely-circulated chivalric romance Guerrino il Meschino by the Florentine Andrea da Barberino displays its genre's concern with the Spanish shrine and details and route from Rome to Compostela. Andrea, known for his verisimilar style, incorporates a virtuoso display of contemporary geographical knowledge which gives his fiction the texture of a chronicle. The author's inclusion of towns not found in the chivalric literary corpus argue for his reliance on maps or the testimonies of returned pilgrims. Places named tally with those in actual pilgrim accounts. The passage in Guerrino furnishes evidence of Italian pilgrimages to Santiago in the early fifteenth century, a period for which no historical accounts remain. 相似文献
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Peter W. Gething Abdisalan M. Noor Priscilla W. Gikandi Simon I. Hay Mark S. Nixon Robert W. Snow Peter M. Atkinson 《Geographical analysis》2008,40(2):167-188
Basic health system data such as the number of patients utilizing different health facilities and the types of illness for which they are being treated are critical for managing service provision. These data requirements are generally addressed with some form of national Health Management Information System (HMIS), which coordinates the routine collection and compilation of data from national health facilities. HMIS in most developing countries are characterized by widespread underreporting. Here we present a method to adjust incomplete data to allow prediction of national outpatient treatment burdens. We demonstrate this method with the example of outpatient treatments for malaria within the Kenyan HMIS. Three alternative modeling frameworks were developed and tested in which space–time geostatistical prediction algorithms were used to predict the monthly tally of treatments for presumed malaria cases (MC) at facilities where such records were missing. Models were compared by a cross-validation exercise and the model found to most accurately predict MC incorporated available data on the total number of patients visiting each facility each month. A space–time stochastic simulation framework to accompany this model was developed and tested in order to provide estimates of both local and regional prediction uncertainty. The level of accuracy provided by the predictive model, and the accompanying estimates of uncertainty around the predictions, demonstrate how this tool can mitigate the uncertainties caused by missing data, substantially enhancing the utility of existing HMIS data to health-service decision makers. 相似文献
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Adam Evans 《Parliamentary History》2020,39(3):462-480
The question of whether devolved assemblies should be established for Scotland and Wales dominated considerable parliamentary time in the 1970s and became a key pillar of the Labour government's legislative agenda after the two 1974 general elections. The main building blocks of the government's devolution proposals for Scotland and Wales were in place from 1975 with the publication of the white paper, Our Changing Democracy, which outlined proposals for a primary lawmaking assembly for Scotland and a Scottish executive, operating under a ‘conferred powers model of devolution’. For Wales, the assembly was to be a body corporate (with no split between executive and assembly) exercising only executive functions and able only to pass secondary legislation. With some important modifications (including crucially the requirement for a referendum, which was then further amended to require a Yes tally equating to 40% of the electorates in both nations), these proposals were eventually incorporated into law as the Scotland and Wales Acts 1978. While the political debates surrounding devolution in this period are well known, less attention has been paid to the practical plans undertaken by the civil service for devolution to become a reality. Considerable time was spent drawing up, from an early stage, detailed preparations for devolution, particularly in Scotland. In Wales, planning was more tentative, yet, none the less, was taken seriously by the Welsh Office. These plans never materialised in the way envisaged, with neither Welsh nor Scottish devolution able to pass the referendum thresholds put in place. However, as this article also demonstrates, both the Scotland and Wales Acts had a constitutional legacy when devolution became reality under New Labour in the late 1990s. 相似文献