近代两湖地区的市场体系

经济地理的核心问题之一,是市场体系的形成及其变迁。就两湖地区而言,近代时期的市场体系与传统时代已有重大变异,不过这种变异的基础部分地根植于传统。以省区为视域,汉口进入近代之后继续保持其湖北商业中心之地位,而且更形扩展,拉大了中心地与腹地之经济差距。对比之下,湖南的情形与之不同:原有的商业中心发生位移,省区内部的经济差异性有所减小,若干重要城市之间的经济关系趋于均衡。无论通商口岸及其腹地之变迁,抑或对外贸易和长距离贩运贸易,近代两湖市场体系存在着结构性缺陷。     

“足民食”与“祖宗之制”的抉择——嘉道以后南苑私垦查禁与招佃垦种之议

作为满洲民族特性"围猎骑射"在国家政治生活中的体现,南苑"例禁开田"长期被奉为"祖宗旧制"而恪守不变。然而,嘉道以后苑内私垦日甚一日,朝廷虽屡次查禁,严令抛荒,但最终徒具虚文。咸丰、同治二朝,不断有大臣以各种理由奏请放垦,只因这种着眼于经济民生的理由始终敌不过政治层面的"祖宗旧制"而一再被否决。到光绪朝末年,南苑全面放垦。对于清廷而言,南苑是否放垦,绝非只是"足民食"的经济问题,而是事关"立国之本"的政治原则问题;随着王朝败落,"祖宗旧制"最终让位于"足民食"的经济诉求。     

《宋代两湖平原地理研究》评介

两宋是两湖平原开发史上的重要时期 ,伴随经济重心的南移 ,两湖平原成为经济开发的重点区域之一 ,人文地理面貌的变迁与社会经济的发展互为因果。两宋时期 ,两湖平原 ,即江汉平原和洞庭湖平原地区的地理面貌发生了明显的变化 ,表现在新的县级政区在湖区和丘陵地带出现 ,人口密度上升 ,分布日渐广泛 ;人工堤防以长江干堤为中心 ,在长江南北两岸有所增长 ,其他河湖岸边也较多地兴建堤防 ,从而为沿江沿湖低洼地带农田的垦辟创造了条件 ;江陵、鄂州等大型城镇日渐成长 ,进而构成区域性市镇网络的中心 ;乡村小集市较为普遍 ,即使在水网纵横的河湖…     

试论茶文化旅游

近年来,由于对"茶文化旅游"的误读,茶文化旅游概念严重"泛化".国内众多茶产区都提出构建"茶文化旅游"产品,"茶文化旅游"被一些地区视为发展地方经济的主引擎.这样的现象虽然在短期内会促进地区经济发展,长期来看,则值得冷静斟酌.因此,当务之急是厘清茶文化旅游的概念,分析"泛茶文化旅游"的利弊,并对发展小众旅游视角下的茶文...     

庙底沟文化彩陶向南方两湖地区的传播

主要分布在豫陕晋黄河中游地区的庙底沟文化,虽然存在的时间并不很长,但对周边地区文化的影响却非常大,尤其是它富有特点的彩陶的传播,更是掀起了中国史前非常壮阔的一次艺术大潮。庙底沟文化彩陶向四方播散,对文化差异明显的南方两湖地区影响也非常强烈。这种影响一直越过长江,最远到达洞庭湖以南地区。庙底沟文化彩陶的传播,不仅只是一些纹饰题材的传播,更重要的是包含在这些纹饰中的象征意义的认同。由彩陶向两湖地区的传播,可以看出南北文化的趋同态势,这种文化趋同是后来一统文明建立的重要基础。     

电商带动农村经济发展的思考

发展农村经济,是目前经济发展的一个要点所在,而电子商务正好成为了驱动农村经济发展的一股重要动力。电子商务对于农村地区来讲,有的地方已经有了一定程度的运用,有的地方还属于一个新鲜事物。对于农村经济发展,电子商务可以产生积极的带动作用。基于此,本文就对这种带动作用展开具体的分析,然后思考目前农村经济发展电子商务存在的问题与局限,最后提出发展电子商务推动农村经济发展的具体策略,希望能够给有关人士提供一些参考启发。     

抗战时期四川的粮食运输管理

抗战时期四川是大后方的粮源基地,担负着前方战场军粮和后方民食供应重任,因此保证四川粮食运输的通畅是夺取抗战胜利的重要保障。为此,国民政府和四川地方政府一方面设立了粮食管理机构以加强粮食运输管理;另一方面颁布了大量粮食运输法规以指导粮食运输,增强粮食运输力量,保证粮食运输安全。这些政策和措施的实施一定程度上保证了大后方军需民食的供给,对后方粮价的飞涨发挥了一定抑制作用,但由于国民政府粮政的腐败以及粮运价格过低、运输手续繁杂等原因,粮食运输政策又未能完全发挥应有的作用。     

汉阳有个两湖商店

正61年前,两湖副食品商店作为武汉市商业界的代表,进京参加了全国群英会,在社会上引起关注。其时,两湖商店在汉阳已非常有名,为市民喜闻乐道。改革开放之初,两湖商店就被国务院命名为"全国商业先进单位"。一直到20世纪80年代,它都是武汉财贸战线上的一面红旗,是武汉商店发展的典型样本。     

湖北石首走马岭遗址史前植物遗存鉴定与研究

石首走马岭遗址的发掘为史前长江中游两湖平原地区植物利用研究提供了契机。通过浮选,该遗址发现了水稻、粟以及其他野生植物的炭化遗骸,农作物AMS14C的测年数据为长江中游新石器晚期至末期的考古学文化年代提供了新的数据。史前植物遗存研究显示,两湖平原地区主要为稻作农业,但是在平原边缘地区发现粟类遗存的环状分布带。两湖平原地区的史前粟类作物很可能来源于鄂西北豫西南地区,并通过秦巴山道、汉水谷地和随枣走廊传入两湖平原。     

国民党军长为朱德解困

正1928年1月,朱德、陈毅率领南昌起义保存下来的部队,转战到达党和群众基础较好的湘南汝城、桂东、宜章等地,在湘南地方党组织的配合下,组织当地农民,举行了湘南起义。湘南起义成功发动的前夕,发生了我党我军历史上的一次重大事件——"朱范合作",合作中的主人公朱德和范石生及合作地点汝城,对中国革命的胜利起到了举足轻重的作用。值此湘     

Memory, Distortion, and History in the Museum

Museums are conventionally viewed as institutions dedicated to the conservation of valued objects and the education of the public. Recently, controversies have arisen regarding the representation of history in museums. National museums in America and Germany considered here, such as the Smithsonian's Air and Space Museum, the Holocaust Memorial Museum, and the German Historical Museum, have become sites of contention where national histories and personal memories are often at odds. Contemporary art installations in museums which take historical consciousness as their theme similarly raise contentious issues about public knowledge of and personal interest in the past. When members of publics find that their memories of the past or their expectations for museum experiences are not being met, a kind of "distortion" occurs. The "distortion" related to memory and history in the museum is not so much of facts or interpretations, but rather a distortion from the lack of congruity between personal experience and expectation, on the one hand, and the institutional representation of the past on the other. This essay explores the possibilities for a redefined relationship between personal memory and history that is experienced in contemporary museums.     

版画创作实践与思考

版画是一种有着独特个性和经久魅力的艺术。在具体的版画创作过程中,创作主体往往占据主导地位。本文在简述版画及其发展历史的基础上,结合艺术家个人的创作心得,讨论了版画的创作风格、创作技巧及其材料使用的重要性。     

Empire, Internationalism, and the Campaign against the Traffic in Women and Children in the 1920s

This article assesses the inter-war campaign against traffickingin women and children, with a particular focus on the leadingrole played by British and British-dominated voluntary associations.This humanitarian campaign was conducted by social relief organizationssuch as the Association for Moral and Social Hygiene (AMSH)and the International Bureau for the Suppression of the Trafficin Women and Children (IBSTWC). While organized opposition totrafficking in persons was not new, these groups consciously‘internationalized’ their advocacy and lobbyingefforts in the 1920s and 1930s. Although their work againsttrafficking in the Straits Settlements, or the prostitutionrings operating in the Mediterranean, was driven in part bythe desire to protect Britain's national prestige, their moralimpetus and their cooperation with non-British bodies reflectedwider international concerns. The article also explores theuse of public diplomacy as a new political tool, with a particularfocus on the public-private cooperation evident in the Leagueof Nations' work to combat the trade. Finally, the article advancessome conclusions as to why British women's political organizationsin particular were some of the earliest ‘internationalists’,how successful internationalists were in combating transnationalsocial problems, and to what extent inter-war internationalistsestablished a precedent for the subsequent growth of internationalsocial relief organizations.     

Governmentality, subject-building, and the discourses and practices of devolution in the UK

This paper uses a Foucauldian governmentality framework to analyse and interrogate the discourses and strategies adopted by the state and sections of the business community in their attempts to shape and influence emerging agendas of governance in post-devolution Scotland. Much of the work on governmentality has examined the ways in which governments have developed particular techniques, rationales and mechanisms to enable the functioning of governance programmes. This paper expands upon such analyses by also looking at the ways in which particular interests may use similar procedures, discourses and practices to promote their own agendas and develop new forms of resistance, contestation and challenge to emerging policy frameworks. Using the example of business interest mobilization in post-devolution Scotland, it is argued that governments may seek to mobilize defined forms of expertise and knowledge, linking them to wider political debates. This, however, creates new opportunities for interests to shape and contest the discourses and practices of government. The governmentalization of politics can, therefore, be seen as more of a dialectical process of definition and contestation than is often apparent in existing Foucault-inspired writing.     

Political Theology,Democracy, and the Exception in the Egyptian Revolution

As the sixth anniversary of the 2011 protests in Tahrir Square passes, those uprisings and the events that followed continue pose important challenges not only for students of Middle Eastern and North African politics, but also for students of political theory and political theology. While scholars debate the extent to which the “Arab Spring” has amounted to a truly revolutionary turn of events, it is commonly accepted that the protests that swept the region were exceptional in their unanticipated and profound disruption of ordinary affairs. Under the influence of Carl Schmitt's theory of sovereignty, “the exception” has become a key figure in contemporary reflections on political theology, but attention to events in Egypt suggests that the familiar figure of the exception has not yet been mined for all of its implications for democratic practice. Slipping below grand articulations of the exception as a moment of sovereign decision, or as the suspension of the law, this essay turns its attention to the minor, everyday, background patterns of exceptionality that accompany the emergence of democratic practices outside the purview of the sovereign state. I argue that there is an intimate connection between the forms of exceptionality produced by longstanding practices of Egyptian secularism, the forms of exceptionality peculiar to the 2011 uprisings and their aftermath, and the forms of exceptionality that both make and unmake democratic practices. My argument has three parts: first Egyptian secularism is a process that manages and transforms authorized forms of Islamic practice, while at the same time producing exceptional formations, of which the Muslim Brotherhood is a key example; second that revolutionary politics can be understood as a matter of opening and sustaining the kind of exceptional circumstances that attended the 2011 uprisings, and that this can be usefully framed as an open-ended process of conversion; third that democratic practice requires courting both kinds of exception, despite their challenges, ambivalences, and potential dangers.