晚清政府的海洋主张与对南海权益的维护

晚清时期,南海诸岛丰富的自然资源、重要的交通地理位置以及军事上的战略枢纽地位,引起了西方列强的觊觎,此时南海诸岛的主权问题已经较为明显地凸现出来。在与列强斗争过程中,晚清政府采取一系列措施来加强南海诸岛的开发建设,并自觉运用国际法来捍卫我国的海洋国土主权。     

The United States government’s deliberations and actions on the status of the South China Sea Islands, 1943–1951: the formation of American policy towards South China Sea disputes

In 1943, the United States began to consider the issue of the world order after the end of World War II; at that time, the status of the islands in the South China Sea remained undetermined. Towards the end of the war, a US policy-planning document on this issue favored either returning the islands to one of the parties claiming sovereignty or placing the islands under international trusteeship once the war ended. Immediately after the end of World War II, the United States withdrew its support for an international trusteeship, and it did not back up any single party’s claim of sovereignty over the islands. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the United States did not clarify its stance on the issue of sovereignty over the South China Sea islands, hoping the eventual outcome would not favor the newly founded People’s Republic of China. Finally, the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951, signed under the guidance of the United States, stipulated only that Japan relinquish the islands, but failed to identify who would take them over. The San Francisco Peace Treaty signaled the formation of the official US policy towards disputes over the islands in the South China Sea.     

论马来西亚在南海声称的领土争议

马来西亚在南海声称的领土争议,主要集中在对南沙群岛某些岛礁、苏拉威西海两小岛和新加坡海峡白礁的声称。对南沙群岛某些岛礁的声称,马来西亚依据的是岛礁“在其声称的大陆架上”,这种依据违反了“陆地支配海洋”的国际法基本原则。在苏拉威西海两小岛的争议中,最近国际法庭依据连续的实际管辖,将两岛的主权判属马来西亚,这对今后解决类似的国际争议将起到一定的示范作用。     

南中国海争端与中菲关系

中国在南中国海的主权受到一些国家的挑战,菲律宾是其中之一。菲律宾最早对南中国海的岛礁提出领土要求可追溯到20世纪30年代。菲律宾在南中国海的活动分为三个阶段。20世纪70年代以前,菲律宾政府不断地对南沙岛礁提出领土要求,也支持其国民到南沙海域勘探,但未占领中国南沙岛礁;20世纪70年代,菲律宾占领了部分南沙岛礁;冷战结束后,由渔业纠纷而引发了美济礁和黄岩岛问题,影响较大。总的来看,南中国海争端一定程度上影响了两国关系,但不影响双边关系的大局。在可预见的将来,南中国海的局势将维持现状,双方会通过协商途径解决可能出现的纠纷和争执。     

The Nationalist government’s efforts to recover Chinese sovereignty over the islands in the South China Sea after the end of World War Two

Utilizing substantial archival materials, this article examines the process through which the Nationalist government reasserted Chinese sovereignty over the islands in the South China Sea, including China’s stationing of troops on Dongsha Island, Yongxing Island, and Taiping Island. Well-prepared militarily, economically, and diplomatically, the Nationalist government achieved this strategic goal after overcoming various difficulties including insufficient ships and funds, unfavorable weather and maritime conditions, and the obstruction of the French colonial government in Vietnam. The Nationalist government also sent technicians to survey the islands and map out the sphere of Chinese maritime territory in the South China Sea, and it built two weather stations. These actions were publicized on December 1, 1947. During this process, the government of the United States adopted a policy of acquiescence due to its close collaboration with China. When the French government occupied one of the Xisha Islands and attempted to take firmer action, the United States and Britain pressured France to make concessions to China, which led the French government to seek a diplomatic solution.     

南海"断续线"的法律地位

文章对南海“断续线”的法律地位进行了探讨。认为存在于南海的九条以国界线方法标绘的“断续线”,确认了中国对线内岛礁滩沙的主权和对周边海域的海洋权益。“断续线”与领海外部界限、专属经济区和大陆架范围主张线、菲律宾“条约线”等有着本质的区别。南海“断续线”的法律地位使其在维护中国在南海的海洋权益方面有着特殊的作用和意义。     

时际国际法与中国对南沙群岛享有无可争辩的主权

本通过对时际法的理论和实践的阐述,结合中国自宋代在南沙群岛行使管辖权这一事实,分析了中国对南沙群岛享有无可争辩的主权。     

从地图在解决边界争端中的作用看我国对南沙群岛的主权

本在对国际边界争端的典型案例进行研究后,指出地图在解决争端中发挥着重要的作用,并从国际法的角度研究了众多标明南沙群岛属于中国的中外地图,进一步指出南海断续国界线是中国拥有南沙主权的重要依据和标准。     

Maritime territorialisation as performance of sovereignty and nationhood in the South China Sea

The South China Sea (SCS) is a conflict‐ridden international arena of rivalry between China, the USA, India, and the other ASEAN countries over sovereignty, resources and security. In this geopolitical clash China is the dominant force and Vietnam its main challenger. While most analysts assume that the various claims to the mostly uninhabited islands are motivated by the presence of submarine mineral resources, the conflicts evoke strong nationalist feelings in Vietnam and China, fuelled by narratives of the historical presence of fisheries and navies. By analysing the tension between complex territorial claims, new technologies and forms of knowledge applied by these states to delineate their material borders on the sea and vernacular notions of social space, this paper explores how sovereignty and nationality is enacted on a day‐to‐day basis. Thus, I argue that maritime territorialisation is a paradox of treating the sea as ‘land’ produced by the performance of a socially constructed image of the state geo‐body capitalising on strong nationalistic sentiments in China and Vietnam.     

《旧金山对日和约》再研究--关于其对西沙群岛、南沙群岛的处理及后果

西沙群岛、南沙群岛主权本属中国,第二次世界大战期间被日本占领,日本战败后理应由中国收回,但1951年美国起草和主导签署的<旧金山对日和约>只表明日本放弃这些岛礁,未明确主权归属问题,为的是防止中国(大陆)从<对日和约>中得出对中国主权有利的结论来.<对日和约>如此处理主权问题为日后两群岛"主权未定"论埋下了祸根.     

The South China Sea dispute and the Philippines Arbitration Tribunal: China's policy options

The Philippines Arbitration Tribunal separately dealing with the jurisdiction over the South China Sea dispute is the continuance of the set practice by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea's Annex VII arbitral tribunals of bifurcation of proceedings, and was the best option for it to deal with China's objections to its jurisdiction in the circumstance of China's non-acceptance of and non-participation in the arbitral proceedings. Such a measure has potentially important implications for the tribunal itself and for China. The tribunal's decision to have jurisdiction over some parts of the Philippines’ submissions resumed the merits proceedings of the dispute. This development of the proceedings would force China to reconsider its current policy of non-participation. Participation in the subsequent merits proceedings might be the right choice for China.     

批判视角下黄岩岛地名演变与权力关系分析

国内外地名研究的批判主义转向,注重地方命名时地方意义的生产、再生产以及争夺。文章以黄岩岛地名的演变为例,研究其地名变迁背后的政治博弈。研究表明：①黄岩岛的地名演变是中、西方话语体系下国际行为主体政治角力的过程。②中国的黄岩岛地名演变彰显的是中国对其无可争辩的主权;西方殖民者的黄岩岛地名演变展示近代以来对南海及其周边地区的殖民统治;菲律宾当局对黄岩岛的更名,谋求建构国家认同、侵占更多海洋岛礁资源。③地名是集体记忆解构与重构的纽带和国家权力博弈的指示物。中国对内应增强国家认同感和民族凝聚力,唤起中华民族的集体记忆,对外提升国际话语权,通过国际舞台阐释对南海主权维护的法理依据和坚强决心。     

博物馆中的南海知识生产与地理想象

地理想象是通过文化媒介对特定地方的地理“现实”的转录与重构,而博物馆是达成地理想象的一个代表性媒介。博物馆不只是一个展品陈列的空间载体,其中还包含着地理知识的生产。本文以南海博物馆为例,采用参与式观察、半结构式访谈、话语分析方法,探讨中国（海南）南海博物馆对“南海”的呈现。研究表明,南海博物馆对南海的地理想象不仅是话语建构,同时也是一种国家领土主权在话语层面上的实践。地名、地物、地图、地景是南海地理想象的构建基础,中国（海南）南海博物馆通过对“过去”资源的空间组织,构建了“南海”的地域想象、边界想象以及地缘想象。     

克洛马事件与台湾当局的应对

1939年,日本侵占南沙群岛,改名为新南群岛,划归台湾总督府管辖。1946年12月12日,中国军队登陆太平岛,竖立界碑,重申对南沙群岛的主权。1950年,台湾当局自太平岛撤出军队。1951年,《旧金山和约》签署,规定"日本放弃对南沙群岛及西沙群岛之一切权利、权利根据与要求"。这改变不了南沙群岛、西沙群岛属于中国领土一部分的事实。1956年,菲律宾商人克洛马代表"人道王国",占据了南沙群岛的几座岛礁。其属于个人行为,不具有官方身份。台湾当局立即要求菲律宾政府承认南沙群岛属于中国领土,制止克洛马的非法行为。同时,台湾当局派海军巡航南沙群岛,在太平岛驻军,劝离克洛马探险队,来巩固对南沙群岛的司法管辖权。美国政府要求台湾当局通过和平谈判,避免流血冲突。不甘心失败,克洛马拟要求联合国仲裁南沙群岛争端。     

1958年《中华人民共和国政府关于领海的声明》研究

根据国家主权原则,在总结中国领海管理的理论与实践的基础上,结合国际实践和公认的国际法原则,1958年中国政府颁布了《中华人民共和国政府关于领海的声明》,标志着新中国领海制度的初步建立,这对捍卫中国领海主权、维护海洋利益、发展海上交往、巩固海防等都具有重大的意义。     

南海主权地缘政治经济透析

南海诸岛自古以来就是中国领土。由于其独特的地理区位及资源战略价值,南海周边国家围绕南海诸岛的领土、领海主权争端愈演愈烈,形成了今天"六国七方"的复杂局面。本文从政治经济地理的角度探讨了南海的地缘战略及资源战略价值,阐述了南海主权争端的由来及现状以及中国对南海主权的法律地位,在此基础上对南海主权争端的实质进行了分析,并得出结论,随着2010年中国与东盟自由贸易区的建立和大湄公河次区域经济合作项目的全面启动,中国与南海沿岸各国的经济合作、政治互信和共同利益越来越多,这将有助于减少外部大国遏制中国的借口,南海问题将会由直接有关的各方共同找到一个大家都能接受的解决办法。     

蒋介石力阻美国将台湾问题"国际化"

蒋介石退踞台湾期间,对于美国寻找各种机会使台湾问题"国际化"的企图,基本上采取抗拒的立场.具体表现在在20世纪40年代末到50年代初期,针对美国叫嚣的"台湾地位未定论",蒋介石通过对<开罗宣言>的反复重申,坚持了台湾是中国一部分的立场,维护了中国对台湾的主权地位;在50年代中后期两次台海危机中,蒋介石坚守金门、马祖这两个与大陆保持联系的纽带,拒绝美国以海峡为界,实现"划峡而治"、制造"两个中国"的图谋,并在一定程度上与大陆形成一种默契,共同抵制美国的分裂活动;从60年代开始,借恢复中国政府在联合国的席位、美国企图在联合国内部造成"一中一台"的既成事实,针对这种情况,包括台湾蒋介石当局在内的海峡两岸中国人,取得一定共识,即在国际社会只能有一个代表中国主权的中央政府,台湾是中国领土不可分割的一部分,并共同挫败美国以联合国名义分裂中国的图谋.     

中国与环南海国家(地区)贸易竞争性和互补性格局

环南海因其重要的地缘战略意义,对中国国家安全和对外合作发展具有重要意义.本文在产品层次,揭示了中国与环南海国家(地区)的贸易竞争性和互补性格局,有助于加深理解中国与该区域的地缘经济竞合关系.结果表明:①中国大陆与环南海国家(地区)的贸易规模不断增大.中国大陆与香港、台湾、越南、菲律宾、新加坡、泰国的出口相似度较高,在世...     

Resource extraction and national anxieties: China’s economic presence in Mongolia

Abstract

Over the last two decades and particularly in the last 10 years, Chinese investment in Mongolia has skyrocketed, with the vast majority of the country’s exports now flowing to China. As foreign investment has grown in Mongolia, particularly in the mining sector, apprehension circulates about the extension and meaning of increased Chinese power. We argue that contemporary anxieties about China’s economic influence in Mongolia go beyond recent and contemporary political economic issues and are tied to memories of the Qing Dynasty. Controversies surrounding Mongolia’s flagship mine, the Oyu Tolgoi copper–gold mine in South Gobi province, demonstrate how even non-Chinese foreign mining operations are intertwined with Mongolia’s past and future relationships with China. Rather than acting simply as resource nationalists, the people and government of Mongolia often see contemporary Chinese economic power through a historical lens, with fears of declining sovereignty and becoming Chinese through control over land and resources. This paper draws on fieldwork conducted by the authors in Mongolia from 2009 to 2015 and contributes to discussions about fears of Chinese influence, extractive industry development, and resource nationalism in Mongolia.