The Nationalist government’s efforts to recover Chinese sovereignty over the islands in the South China Sea after the end of World War Two

Utilizing substantial archival materials, this article examines the process through which the Nationalist government reasserted Chinese sovereignty over the islands in the South China Sea, including China’s stationing of troops on Dongsha Island, Yongxing Island, and Taiping Island. Well-prepared militarily, economically, and diplomatically, the Nationalist government achieved this strategic goal after overcoming various difficulties including insufficient ships and funds, unfavorable weather and maritime conditions, and the obstruction of the French colonial government in Vietnam. The Nationalist government also sent technicians to survey the islands and map out the sphere of Chinese maritime territory in the South China Sea, and it built two weather stations. These actions were publicized on December 1, 1947. During this process, the government of the United States adopted a policy of acquiescence due to its close collaboration with China. When the French government occupied one of the Xisha Islands and attempted to take firmer action, the United States and Britain pressured France to make concessions to China, which led the French government to seek a diplomatic solution.     

国际海洋法会议与中国对海洋权益的维护

新中国恢复联合国的合法席位后,随即加入了联合国海底委员会,积极参与《联合国海洋法公约》的起草和审议工作。中国政府关于领海、毗连区、大陆架、专属经济区的观点和主张,既是对国际海洋法发展趋势的把握和推动,在某种程度上也是对中国海洋法实践的总结说明。中国政府的举措代表着发展中国家扩大海洋权益的诉求,对《联合国海洋法公约》的最终形成产生了积极影响。     

论马来西亚在南海声称的领土争议

马来西亚在南海声称的领土争议,主要集中在对南沙群岛某些岛礁、苏拉威西海两小岛和新加坡海峡白礁的声称。对南沙群岛某些岛礁的声称,马来西亚依据的是岛礁“在其声称的大陆架上”,这种依据违反了“陆地支配海洋”的国际法基本原则。在苏拉威西海两小岛的争议中,最近国际法庭依据连续的实际管辖,将两岛的主权判属马来西亚,这对今后解决类似的国际争议将起到一定的示范作用。     

Maritime territorialisation as performance of sovereignty and nationhood in the South China Sea

The South China Sea (SCS) is a conflict‐ridden international arena of rivalry between China, the USA, India, and the other ASEAN countries over sovereignty, resources and security. In this geopolitical clash China is the dominant force and Vietnam its main challenger. While most analysts assume that the various claims to the mostly uninhabited islands are motivated by the presence of submarine mineral resources, the conflicts evoke strong nationalist feelings in Vietnam and China, fuelled by narratives of the historical presence of fisheries and navies. By analysing the tension between complex territorial claims, new technologies and forms of knowledge applied by these states to delineate their material borders on the sea and vernacular notions of social space, this paper explores how sovereignty and nationality is enacted on a day‐to‐day basis. Thus, I argue that maritime territorialisation is a paradox of treating the sea as ‘land’ produced by the performance of a socially constructed image of the state geo‐body capitalising on strong nationalistic sentiments in China and Vietnam.     

南海主权地缘政治经济透析

南海诸岛自古以来就是中国领土。由于其独特的地理区位及资源战略价值,南海周边国家围绕南海诸岛的领土、领海主权争端愈演愈烈,形成了今天\"六国七方\"的复杂局面。本文从政治经济地理的角度探讨了南海的地缘战略及资源战略价值,阐述了南海主权争端的由来及现状以及中国对南海主权的法律地位,在此基础上对南海主权争端的实质进行了分析,并得出结论,随着2010年中国与东盟自由贸易区的建立和大湄公河次区域经济合作项目的全面启动,中国与南海沿岸各国的经济合作、政治互信和共同利益越来越多,这将有助于减少外部大国遏制中国的借口,南海问题将会由直接有关的各方共同找到一个大家都能接受的解决办法。     

1958年《中华人民共和国政府关于领海的声明》研究

根据国家主权原则,在总结中国领海管理的理论与实践的基础上,结合国际实践和公认的国际法原则,1958年中国政府颁布了《中华人民共和国政府关于领海的声明》,标志着新中国领海制度的初步建立,这对捍卫中国领海主权、维护海洋利益、发展海上交往、巩固海防等都具有重大的意义。     

Assessing China’s response to the South China Sea arbitration ruling

Many international legal experts believe that the Philippines v. China arbitration award of 12 July 2016 represents a game changer for South China Sea dispute settlements because the award has brought a breathtaking legal clarity to the complex disputes. This article argues that the sweeping nature of the award had a very paradoxical effect on Chinese policy. The arbitration ruling has led to the hardening of China’s claims, but it has also raised a new readiness among Chinese policymakers to renew negotiations. The sweepingness of the award makes it hard for the Philippines to reach a negotiated compromise with China on the basis of the award, but it also presents a surprising political opportunity in regional politics for the major actors involved to lower tensions and recalibrate policies. Although China’s new readiness to negotiate is welcome, the overall impact of the three-and-a-half-year-long arbitration is likely to create a deadlock in negotiations in the near future. Paradoxically, this may raise the importance of political and power-centred approaches to regional dispute settlements, as the legal approach embodied by arbitration continues to meet Chinese defiance.     

中国现代史学科体系的建立与发展——以王桧林主编的北京师范大学版《中国现代史》教材为例

中国现代史学科体系是在与党史和革命史体系逐渐区别开来的过程中初步确立和发展起来的。李新等人主编的《中国新民主主义革命时期通史》奠定了中国现代史的基本框架。王桧林主编的北京师大版《中国现代史》继承和发展了这一框架。它的撰写、修改、趋向完备是和中国现代史学科的形成密切结合着的,它所提出的“三条道路、两个斗争、一个结局”的中国社会的演变规律为史学界所公认,它为中国现代史学科体系的初步建立和发展做出了贡献。     

南海"断续线"的法律地位

文章对南海“断续线”的法律地位进行了探讨。认为存在于南海的九条以国界线方法标绘的“断续线”,确认了中国对线内岛礁滩沙的主权和对周边海域的海洋权益。“断续线”与领海外部界限、专属经济区和大陆架范围主张线、菲律宾“条约线”等有着本质的区别。南海“断续线”的法律地位使其在维护中国在南海的海洋权益方面有着特殊的作用和意义。     

“经世”意识与南宋川陕边防史地类文献

南宋时期,川陕地区战略地位突出。为了给边疆防御提供借鉴,川陕边防史地类文献大量涌现,探讨川陕地区历史与地理之风日益兴起。本文在梳理南宋川陕边防史地类文献具体情况的基础上,总结出其强烈的经世思想、重视地图的作用、突出的地理学成就等特点。     

海洋在中国地缘政治中的作用

海洋具有与日俱增的地缘政治价值。中国海域拥有突出的地缘战略意义。维护海权是中华民族的一项长期任务。     

从历史与国际海洋法看黄岩岛的主权归属

本从历史事实和国际海洋法出发。论证黄岩岛的主权一向属中国所有,数世纪来从未遇到过挑战,也一直得到国际上的广泛承认,并对菲律宾的所谓“黄岩与菲律宾相邻近”、“黄岩岛在菲律宾专属经济区内”等借口进行了批驳。     

民国时期中西交通史课程设置

"中西交通史"列为大学课程之一,在中国为时并不太晚。1920年留美归国的陈衡哲在北大开设"欧亚交通史",盖为中西交通史进入大学课程之始。1930—1940年代,随着相关中外研究著作和译著的日益增多,在大学讲授中西交通史性质课程者明显增加,如张星烺、郑鹤声、郑师许、周传儒、王国秀、陈受颐、向达、孙毓棠、郭廷以、张维华、叶国庆、朱谦之、翁独健、姚从吾、冯承钧、韩儒林、白寿彝、方豪等。作为一种专门化程度较高的课程,中西交通史并非一般教员所能胜任,而且因其在大学史学系课程中的地位并不突出,没有制度化的保证,故该课程的开设常随教员流动而时断时续。     

新农村建设中的农民权益保护问题

目前中国农村中存在的许多问题,在某种程度上都可以归结为农民权益保护问题。建设社会主义新农村,不仅要增进农民权益,也要防止以建设新农村的名义侵害农民已享有的权益。     

我国旅游者合法权益保护问题的思考

随着旅游业在国民经济发展中的地位日益重要,旅游者合法权益保护问题也越发成为人们关注的焦点。本文探讨了旅游者合法权益保护的重要意义,对我国旅游者合法权益保护的现状进行了系统论述,对现阶段我国旅游者合法权益保护存在的主要问题及其成因做了深入分析。在此基础上,提出了旅游者合法权益保护系统的概念,尝试建立一种高效的旅游者合法权益保护系统模型。     

中大语言历史学研究所与现代中国西南民族研究

本文以中山大学语言历史学研究所的运作理念和学术实践为考察视角,试图将其放入新思潮的背景之下,由个人扩大到群体,对研究所同仁在"科学方法论"指导下开创的西南民族研究及其学术影响作出了讨论。语史所同仁利用其所倡导的田野调查实践和多学科交叉融合等方法对西南民族的调查研究,不仅开启了中国现代西南民族研究之先声,还直接催生了历史学与人类学、民俗学、民族学等诸多交叉学科的形成和新的学术流派的诞生。但是,我们也应该看到,其早期的研究实践也存在着明显的不足:一是由于民族学田野调查缺乏必要的理论指导和学科训练,致使对调查方法和研究分析工具的掌握有欠成熟;二是受研究经费的不足和战乱的影响,导致调查时间的不足,一定程度上影响了调查结论的深度和准确性。     

Sovereignty from ‘ground zero’: Power through performance in independent South Sudan

Through a reading of the South Sudanese independence ceremony as a ritual of statehood, I show how state actors in South Sudan declared and performed their claim to sovereignty in the face of extraordinary challenge. Central to their performance was their rendering of a national chronotope and their assertion of what I call rebel sovereignty: their articulation of themselves as both saviours from oppression and legitimate wielders of state power. State actors' equal appeal to local antipathy to centralised power and international norms of statehood, as well as their performative redefinition of international undermining as partnership, demonstrates the necessity of contemporary sovereign performance to define both the content and context of extant political realities. More broadly, the ritual demonstrates the performative basis of sovereignty and the increasing necessity of sovereign aspirants to acknowledge the impossibility of sovereign control and redefine challenges and critiques of this power as they assert it.     

青少年权益保障视野中的和谐社会建设

公平正义是和谐社会之内在要求,权益正义内蕴其中。青少年权益保障是达至正义的价值追求。目前,由于青少年的弱势地位而导致其群体权益的被疏忽与被侵害,进而成为和谐社会建设之阻障。为此,重视青少年权益保障问题,是构建社会主义和谐社会不可或缺的重要组成部分。