留英学生与五四新文化运动——以《太平洋》杂志为中心

五四时期留英学生的思想活动鲜见论者讨论.本文以留英学生1917年初创刊于上海的<太平洋>杂志为中心,讨论其同人群体及其文化思想和教育主张.作为留英学界的一股知识力量,<太平洋>同人所提供的新思想观念,对于五四新文化运动具有积极推动和引导作用,这与以<新青年>作为运动的指导力量并无二致.但<太平洋>的思想背景有着浓厚的英伦调和主义色彩.     

《钝斋文选》与《南山集》案

明末清初的方孝标<钝斋文选>,为理清康熙时代最大文字狱<南山集>案的重要文献.清廷以<钝斋文选>中的<滇黔纪闻>为方孝标所定三项罪行,按之<钝斋文选>皆不能成立.康熙皇帝却将错就错铸成<南山集>案.雍正明知此案"中有隐情",在矫枉时故意留条尾巴.既维护了康熙的权威,又显示了自己的恩泽.人们从中也能窥测到某些历史的奥秘.     

《淮南子·缪称训》征引子思《累德篇》考

郭沂先生在《〈淮南子.缪称训〉所见子思〈累德篇〉考》一文中指出,《淮南子.缪称训》除首尾两段为编者所加前言、后语外,其他部分是子思《累德篇》佚文。虽然《淮南子.缪称训》多处引用《子思子》,但其主体部分有很多语句明显是道家者语,不可能全部出自儒家书《子思子》。现有资料不能证明它的主体部分就是《累德篇》佚文。     

《新青年》的经营之道

正确的办刊方向,加上独特的经营手段,让《新青年》名扬天下,名垂青史！     

《史记》、《战国策》"人名不同"说辨

《史记》所载战国历史曾取材于《战国策》,学者对此多无异义。赵生群先生则认为今本《史记》与《战国策》所载多有差异,如人名不同者即有20条之多,意在否定《史记》对战国历史的记载曾取材于《战国策》。然今考之,这20条中,包含有28对"不同"的人名,其中14对本是同一人,其余的14对人名虽异但也各有原因。可见,《史记》取材于《战国策》之说不能轻易否定。     

郑观应与近代民族国家观念

伴随着反复的帝国主义侵略和内部动荡的中国近代历程,其实也是一个中国人民族国家观念逐步形成、发展,和深化的构建过程,作为沿海口岸商人,实业家和启蒙思想家的郑观应该（1842-1922）,不仅是一系列改革措施的倡导者、实践者,更加是晚清中国知识界世界和民族国家观念产生根本巨变的代表人物,郑观应思想的主体部分确立于19世纪中后期的70和80年代,介于19世纪中叶魏源的初步介绍和后期康有为和梁启超的激进变革思潮之间,是一种相对温和、理性的思想。本文拟对郑观应民族国家观念的形成和发展作粗略探讨,借以管窥中国近代早期民族主义思潮的脉络的特征。     

《惜抱轩书录》与姚鼐的学术倾向

《惜抱轩书录》为清代著名学者姚鼐所撰的四库提要初稿集,从其提要稿被《四库全书总目》采弃的情况中能充分地看出,姚鼐与当时的《四库全书总目》总纂官在学术观点上存在着一定的分歧,清代的汉宋学术之争由此可见一斑。     

近代中国婚姻的文明化变革

传统的封建婚姻以“婚姻合二姓之好,上以事宗庙,下以继后世”为信念。1840年鸦片＼战争以来。在欧风美雨影响下的戊戌变法首先对旧式婚姻进行批判,传播西方文化思潮,风气渐开,旧式婚姻向文明婚姻转变。继之而后的辛亥革命更加大张旗鼓地抨击封建婚姻。代之以自由、民主的新式文明婚姻。五四运动更是对旧礼教旧婚姻的当头棒喝,给予了婚姻文明化发展更大的空间。本文通过这一时期的婚姻制度、婚姻观念和婚礼婚仪等方面的变化反映中国近代化进程中特殊的婚姻形式。     

《新青年》与现代中国文化形态转型

《新青年》杂志在中国现代社会转型中起着重要的桥梁作用。配方通过对《新青年》与现代化载体转,现代政治化转型,现代化理化转型,现代化的价值观转型的探讨,进而对《新青年》与现代中国化形态转型作整体性分析,研究《新青年》对现代中国化转型的久远影响。     

《永乐大典》所收《新安志》佚文订误二则

以淳熙《新安志》和弘治《徽州府志》为主要参考,广征其他文献资料,对《永乐大典》所收《新安志》的两则记载中的错误作了订正.     

1921年初《新青年》同仁之间几则通信的时间问题

1921年初,《新青年》同仁围绕《新青年》要不要自沪移京编辑等问题发生了激烈的争论,各方之间为此作了大量的通信。这些通信的书写时间,绝大部分已经清晰,但也有少量重要信札,其书写时间或被弄错,或仍属混沌,亟待厘清。     

时尚社会：价值观的冲突与转换

当代社会正在演化为时尚化社会。时尚社会有着时尚的价值观,这种价值观把时尚价值看作最高的价值,是对只考虑主体的需要、不考虑客体的利益的传统价值观的极度张扬。由于时尚价值在时尚社会里被过度追逐,带来了严重的生态问题和社会问题。贯彻落实科学发展观,促进人与自然的和谐和人与人的和谐,必须转换传统的价值观,确立一种既考虑主体的需要又考虑客体的利益的和谐价值观。     

The transformation of traditional Chinese guilds in modern times

As traditional business organizations that played an important role in China’s economy, guilds have faced unprecedented challenges in modern times due to the invasion of Western capitalism and the changes of the traditional Chinese economic structure. It was difficult to maintain the old guild rules, such as limitations on opening new workshops, recruiting new apprentices, etc. Thus, some guilds that insisted on maintaining the old rules fell into decline, while other guilds, either willingly or unwillingly, made reforms in their organization and structural function to adjust themselves to the new situations. The latter gradually transformed into the modern trade association. The different fates of traditional guilds proved that guilds had to reform properly and adapt themselves to new economic and social environments in order to survive in modern times. __________ Translated from: Jiangsu Shehui Kexue 江苏社会科学 (Jiangsu Social Sciences), No.2, 2004     

The emigration state and the modern geopolitical imagination

This article systematically reviews how a large number of states relate to their diasporas. It shows how states constitute various extra-territorial groups as members of a loyal diaspora, through a diverse range of institutions and practices. The article distinguishes two types of diaspora mechanism: one which cultivates and recognizes diaspora communities, and another which draws them into reciprocal ties with their homeland. The article demonstrates that, contrary to the common wisdom, it is normal for states to have a variety of such mechanisms protruding beyond their borders and impacting on a variety of extra-territorial groups. It is useful to view these institutions and practices collectively as “the emigration state”. The article argues that the emigration state has been overlooked by what John Agnew calls “the modern geopolitical imagination”, in which territorial nation-state units, locked into competition at a fixed international scale, are thought of as the highest form of political organization.     

晚清汉学家与近代社会变迁

晚清汉学在地域上的扩充,使汉学家成为影响近代社会变迁不可忽视的力量。尤其是其中的重要学者,他们或任职朝廷,或为大吏幕宾,或掌教各地书院,无论在朝在野都具有很强的号召力,对近代社会风气的转移、新事物的传衍起到程度不同的作用。实际上,汉学家在近代各个领域都有出色表现,不仅没有固执华夷之辨,且领时代潮流之先风,在历次大的社会变革中均有涉足。详究其中原因,首先,这与汉学的治学内容及其治学精神和西学有相通之处不无关系;其次,晚清汉学家重新标举顾炎武的明道救世,提倡经世致用,有利于其投身于社会变迁实践。     

论英国新马克思主义学派的福利观

作为英国在福利思想方面的一个重要流派,新马克思主义学派对20世纪英国国家福利的产生和发展、战后国家性质的变化、国家权威的来源、国家与政府的关系、国家福利的功能和目的等问题作了较系统的分析,为战后英国福利国家的发展奠定了一定的理论基础。该学派基于马克思对资本主义国家的分析,在福利思想方面又分为体系决定论和相对自治论。相比较而言,相对自治论更符合战后英国政治、经济和社会发展的现实。     

Engendering New Labour's Workfarist Regime: Exploring the intersection of welfare state restructuring and labour market policies in the UK

This article deconstructs New Labour's emerging workfarist regime to reveal the complex and contradictory gender relations embodied in and through its work–welfare policy. Starting from the decline of manufacturing employment within the UK, it traces the deregulation of the labour market and the range of structural and social changes initiated by this process. Noting, in particular, how the ‘feminisation of the economy’ is connected to the changing characteristics of employment and women's socio-economic positions, the article identifies the manner in which the growing labour market participation of women is serving to (further) entrench gender inequality. Against this background, it proceeds to raise issues regarding the increased expectation to enter the labour market observed within programmes such as the New Deal for the Unemployed, which stipulates that the receipt of state benefits ought now to require a labour input. The crux of analysis is on the policy and political discourses that award priority to paid work in the formal labour market, whilst simultaneously neglecting the gendered divisions of labour around unwaged care work and domestic tasks. In suggesting that gender remains a key form of political-economic organisation in the contemporary period of after-Fordism, this article argues that (further) attention must be given to the ways in which its socially constructed properties are manifest within work–welfare policy and the ramifications of this embedding for social and economic equality.