走向国学与史学的“赛先生”——五四前后中国人心目中的“科学”一例

五四人说到“科学”何以更注意其“精神”和“方法”并具体化为实验主义和辩证唯物论?而在实践层面又为什么一度落实在胡适提倡的“整理国故”、顾颉刚为首的“古史辨”和郭沫若为代表的“社会史研究”之上?这些与今日一般认知的“科学”概念有相当距离的现象是本探讨的主要问题。这既有中国学人对考据方法相对熟悉而能有所为这一技术层面的因素,也因国人隐显不一的民族主义情绪在起作用。没有科学的支撑,国学便上不了台面;没有“国故”这一多数中国学耳熟能详的具体治学对象,以方法为依归的“科学”便不能落在实处。而传统化和外来化这种奇特结合与近代中国思想史和学术史上的一些特殊关怀又有着若即若离的关系。     

Problem Definitions and Policy Contradictions: John F. Kennedy and the "Space Race"

Usually, when governments appear to be pursuing contradictory or mutually exclusive goals, the response of the scholarly community has been to look for evidence of bureaucratic error, a lack of leadership, or some other type of administrative malfunction. This essay argues that the concept of problem (or issue) definition, which has been widely applied in the study of public policy, may in some cases also help explain the occurrence of this phenomenon as well. Using as an example a major (and, at the time, quite startling) policy "reversal" in President Kennedy's approach to the U.S. space program, the essay shows how the appearance of a "contradiction" within the administration may well have been the result of a disagreement over how U.S. space policy was to be defined.     

The Nation as a Problem: Historians and the "National Question"

How is it that the nation became an object of scholarly research? As this article intends to show, not until what we call the “genealogical view” (which assumes the “natural” and “objective” character of the nation) eroded away could the nation be subjected to critical scrutiny by historians. The starting point and the premise for studies in the field was the revelation of the blind spot in the genealogical view, that is, the discovery of the “modern” and “constructed” character of nations. Historians’ views would thus be intimately tied to the “antigenealogical” perspectives of them. However, this antigenealogical view would eventually reveal its own blind spots. This paper traces the different stages of reflection on the nation, and how the antigenealogical approach would finally be rendered problematic, exposing, in turn, its own internal fissures.     

再说“二十一条”不是条约——答郑则民先生

谢谢郑则民先生对我那篇书评的回应。拙对郑先生参加主编的《中国近代不平等条约选编与介绍》一书从编辑、内容到学风等诸多方面的问题提出一些意见,郑先生的大作《关于不平等条约的若干问题》(以下简称《问题》)就其中的三个问题进行辩驳,其他方面没有置辩。这三个问题是：拙指出一、中国与外国企业、公司订立的种种章程、合同等不属条约范围(这是根据王铁崖《中外旧     

In the Shadow of Great Power Politics: Why Nehru Supported PRC's Admission to the Security Council

In early 1950s, India's Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru turned down suggestions that India become a Security Council Permanent Member. As per suggestions, India would either take China's seat occupied by Republic of China (RoC) or become the sixth member alongside RoC. Nehru turned down these overtures arguing that People's Republic of China (PRC) should occupy China's seat at the Security Council. This study ascertains why India turned down apparently good offers and instead championed PRC's cause at a time when there existed marked political differences between them. While some have analyzed India's stand strictly in bilateral terms, this study casts the net wider. By closely examining Nehru's writings and correspondences, it argues that Nehru's support was based on his understanding of PRC and its position as a great power in international relations. Early twentieth-century developments had taught him that great powers that were ostracized became a source of instability. In an era that saw the unveiling of nuclear bombs, the cost of a dissatisfied PRC would be tragic. To stabilize the system, it was necessary to accommodate PRC within the Security Council and provide it with the veto. This would assuage PRC and check its revisionist tendencies.     

美国“地区研究”兴起的历史考察

太平洋战争爆发后,特别是冷战初期,美国联邦政府、三大私人基金会以及相当一部分学者逐渐意识到深入了解非西方世界对维护国家安全的重要性,着手共同推动"地区研究"。联邦政府、私人基金会和学者三位一体体制运作的结果是复杂的:地区研究在迅速成长为一门显学的同时也不可避免地在很大程度上沦为政治的附庸;在满足了国家对地区专家和知识需求的同时也为一些地区研究者挑战美国对非西方世界的政策创造了条件。就美国地区研究兴起与国家安全考虑的密切关系而言,政治没有给学术留出太多独立生存的空间,而知识分子本身也并非都希望远离政治,学术与政治难以彻底分离。     

军统局密令确保该局人员当选国大代表电

1947年7月国民党发布"戡乱总动员令"后,加紧准备选举"国大代表"和召开"行宪国大"。军统局即积极布置该局人员参加和控制国大代表竞选活动,并指示所属利用各种关系尽力援助。该代电反映了军统插手江苏省国大代表选举的史实。     

"Mr. Burk is most interested in their welfare": J.G. Burk's campaign to help the Anishinabeg of northwestern Ontario, 1923-53

Although there is a small but growing body of literature on Euro-Canadians who acted "with good intentions" towards the First Nations (Haig-Brown and Nock 2006), precious little has been written about those within the ranks of the Department of Indian Affairs who acted benevolently towards the Aboriginal peoples. James Gerry Burk, Indian agent for the Anishinabeg of the western Lake Superior region for three decades (1923-53), was one such individual. He chose to ignore the department's prevailing racist ideology in favour of nurturing the incipient desire for industry and enterprise that he saw first-hand among the Aboriginal constituents of his agency. In the process, he was compelled to overcome numerous obstacles that Indian Affairs placed in his way. As a result, Burk's career stands as a glowing testament to the indomitable spirit of one departmental official's commitment to assisting the Aboriginal peoples.     

三青团成立的动因再探--兼与马烈先生商榷

关于三青团成立的原始动机,马烈先生认为是为了溶共,对此笔者持有疑义,特提出来同马烈先生商榷,同时就史学界所淡视的另一个动因--排斥汪精卫所谓正统派的政治地位进行论述.