漫话东汉“党锢之祸”

正东汉桓、灵帝时,许多士大夫、太学生由于评议朝政,被专权的宦官集团划为"党人",遭到了残酷打击与迫害,这便是历史上著名的"党锢之祸"。这个事件发生在桓、灵二帝时期,时间跨度约十年,前后共两起三波。要说祸事的起因,还得从当时政治局势说起。自汉和帝起,东汉的朝政主要由外戚、宦官把持,两股势力犬牙交错,轮番专权。汉桓帝初期,朝政由外戚梁冀掌握,延熹二年(159年)梁氏被宦官单超等诛灭,政权落入     

党锢震撼洛阳城（上）

党锢震撼洛阳城（上）朱广贤东汉后期,在京都洛阳,由宦官一手操纵炮制了一连串震惊全国的党锢案。该案历经桓、灵两朝,长达近２０年,受株连者不计其数,客观上加快了东汉的衰亡。帝后相争宦官渔利阉竖弄权民怨国空宦官本是待应帝、后日常生活的仆役,按朝制,他们不得...     

东汉颖川、汝南、南阳士人与党议始末

东汉颖川、汝南、南阳士人与党议始末黄宛峰党锢之祸是东汉政治生活中的一件大事。它震撼朝野,几乎牵动着所有士人的心。而在这场波及全国的政治事件中,颖川、汝南、南阳三郡士人最为引人注目。作为党人大规模活动前奏的清议始于此地亦盛于此地,党人著名领袖出自该地,...     

东汉统治阶级内部的矛盾斗争——外戚宦官与“党锢”

刘秀在农民战争中夺得了政权,建立了东汉王朝,其政权的性质依然是地主阶级的统治,是西汉王朝地主政权的继续发展。东漠政权的存在,共一百九十六年,在这将近二百年的政治发展过程中,除了农民向封建地主阶级进行了无数次反抗暴动以外,而统治阶级内部却拼命的闹着争权夺利的斗争,这就是当时的外戚宦官的专权与所谓「党锢之祸」。在东汉一代的政治舞台上,很明显的可以看出有三种人物在活跃着,即儒生、宦官、外戚,这三种人物:按其阶级属性来说,都是属于当时的封建地主阶级,按其所代表的集团利益来说,他是作为统治阶级集团内部各个集团的政治代表而出现的。先说儒生,儒生大部份是出身于官僚、商人、地主,他们能够参与政治活动,是从刘秀建立东汉政权开始的,刘秀本人就是地主阶级出身的儒生,他自始就热中与对地主阶级的勾结,在东汉政权的建立过程中,他不但保留了从西汉新莽以来的旧的官僚、商人、地     

考郭泰墓碑 赏傅山书法——记《郭有道碑》

郭泰(128—169),字林宗,人称有道先生,山西介休人,东汉末年全国著名的太学生领袖。幼年丧父,出身寒微,曾求学于成皋屈伯彦门下,博通经史,善于谈论,才华出众,且有着高尚品德,广接寒士,奖进人才,从不计较门第和学历,还乐于帮助后进,奖训士类,以德行引导后学,使之成才。《后汉书·党锢列传》称:像这样“以德行引人”的名士,当时全国共有八人,谓之“八顾”,而郭泰位居“八顾”之首。东汉末年,面对外戚宦官交替专权,朝政腐败黑暗的社会现实,一生游学州郡、鄙视富贵利禄、不求仕进的郭泰,作为名扬全国的太学生领袖,毅然同宦官集团展开了争锋相对的…     

党锢震撼洛阳城（下）

党锢震撼洛阳城（下）朱广贤第二次党锢比前一次更为残酷。永康元年（１６７）十二月,桓帝驾崩,１２岁的灵帝继位,窦太后听政,其父窦武辅佐。窦武为人严谨,广交名士,不受礼赂,生活节俭,素有剪除宦官专权之意。太傅陈蕃亦有此心。二人认为这正是清除宦官势力的大好...     

处理好道德情操与现实问题的关系

<正>综观中国古代历史,我们可以发现,强调"政治正确",提倡"道德高尚",在许多情况下,乃是一把双刃剑,那些通常被视为正面的历史人物,其在树立正确的价值观,弘扬正气、高蹈道义的同时,也往往陷入固执偏激、生硬拘泥的泥淖而无法自拔。这同样会造成恶劣的后果,走入失败的深渊,南辕北辙,适得其反。众所周知,汉末党锢之祸中的党人,明季的东林、复社等君子,晚清的清流,从其     

三“李杜”事件与汉末政治

汉末名士群体与外戚宦官及其所代表的皇权的抗争,是汉末政治的重要内容。这期间,李固、杜乔在立桓帝问题上与梁冀的对立,李云、杜众对于桓帝封五侯外家的指责,李膺、杜密在桓、灵之际党锢事件中的表现,均具有典型意义。三"李杜"在汉末名士群体中乃至在民众间都产生了极大影响,他们的行为、气节鼓舞着当时的士大夫们立身持正,与黑暗政治作斗争。三"李杜"最终都死于非命,预示着东汉皇权与作为政治精英的名士群体的背离,从而也预示着东汉政权的崩解覆亡。同时,三"李杜"树立的道德价值理念,在名士阶层的形成中也起着重要作用。     

三"李杜"事件与汉末政治

汉末名士群体与外戚宦官及其所代表的皇权的抗争,是汉末政治的重要内容.这期间,李固、杜乔在立桓帝问题上与梁冀的对立,李云、杜众对于桓帝封五侯外家的指责,李膺、杜密在桓、灵之际党锢事件中的表现,均具有典型意义.三"李杜"在汉末名士群体中乃至在民众间都产生了极大影响,他们的行为、气节鼓舞着当时的士大夫们立身持正,与黑暗政治作斗争.三"李杜"最终都死于非命,预示着东汉皇权与作为政治精英的名士群体的背离,从而也预示着东汉政权的崩解覆亡.同时,三"李杜"树立的道德价值理念,在名士阶层的形成中也起着重要作用.     

太监是中国人发明的吗

“太监”和“宦官”在清朝以前不是相同的概念。宦官早在商朝就有,不过那时的宦官并非全是阉人。宦官“悉用庵人”是东汉以后的事情。“太监”一词,辽代才出现。明代,太监和宦官才发生联系。太监是宦官的上司,是高级宦官;充任太监的必须是宦官,而宦官却不都是太监。到了清朝,太监才成为宦官的同义语。     

Public and Partisan Opinions of the Speaker of the House

Using polling data from 1982 to 2009, I develop a model of public opinion toward the Speaker of the House. I show that, in addition to economic and institutional factors, the speaker's ideology and events associated with the speaker's responsibilities in office affect the public's opinion toward this congressional leader. I also examine the partisan differences in the formation of public opinions about the speaker. I find that minority party partisans are more likely to have negative evaluations of the speaker when the speaker has more ideologically extreme views which lead to higher levels of polarization. In addition, members of different parties weigh economic and institutional factors differently in their evaluations of the speaker.     

"Give the ladies a chance": gender and partisanship in the Prohibition Party, 1869-1912

In the nineteenth-century Prohibition Party, American women ascribed new gendered meanings to party work traditionally performed by male partisans, and also drew upon their gendered roles as women, mothers, and wives to create new partisan strategies. This article investigates the political culture that sustained a remarkable departure from traditional Democratic and Republican practices, and further explores why women's contributions to the Prohibition Party declined in the early-twentieth century. In so doing, it traces how gender and gender roles shaped the meaning of party and politics, and elucidates the interplay between institutions, constituencies, and policy during one of America's most tumultuous political eras.     

The Nazi equation of Jewish partisans with ‘bandits’ and its consequences1

This article deals with the history of Jewish partisans during the Second World War, with the general aim of encouraging further research into the subject. Despite the facts that partisan activity was a significant part of the war experience for Jews, and an important dimension of the conduct of the war against the Third Reich and its accomplices, the history of Jewish partisans occupies only a minute portion of Holocaust and World War II historiography. This article analyses the treatment of Jewish partisans from the perspective of the Nazi perpetrators, while also seeking to shed light on the evolving self-perceptions of the partisans themselves. The focus is the Nazi categorization of the Jewish partisans as ’criminals’, equating them with ‘bandits’ and ‘plunderers’. In large part, this accusation shaped Nazi actions and simultaneously played a critical role in the partisans' imagination of, and construction of their own identity as ‘Jewish fighters’.     

Sceptical partisans: How citizens think about political finance

This article investigates how citizens form their opinions on political-finance issues. Two distinct mechanisms are elaborated. First, citizens may be ‘faithful followers’, adopting positions that reflect their partisan loyalties. Second, citizens may be ‘sceptical’ and lean against cues from their party leaders. Drawing on a survey of Australian attitudes to political finance, I assess the extent to which predictions from these theories are observed in reality. The evidence suggests that Australians interpret political finance as ‘sceptical partisans’, broadly sceptical of political elites, while retaining partisan loyalties that are triggered when two conditions are satisfied: the issue has obvious partisan implications, but encouragement of partisan impulses does not threaten the competitiveness of elections.

本文探讨了公民如何形成对政治献金的态度。学者们提供了两个不同的机制。首先,公民可以是“忠实的追随者”,选择反映其党派忠诚性的立场。其次,公民可以凭着其党派领导人的暗示,持怀疑的态度。笔者将澳大利亚人对政治献金的态度同以上理论假设做了比对。有证据表明,澳大利亚人视政治献金为“拉帮结伙”,大体上对政治精英心存怀疑,不过又保持其党派忠诚。只要满足两个条件,忠诚就会出现：话题有着明显的党派含义,但党派冲动并不威胁选举的竞争性。     

Party commitment,vote switching and liberal decline in Australia∗

Electoral outcomes are determined in part by voters who switch their political allegiance between elections. Though the subject of extensive study in other countries, this floating vote has received comparatively little attention in Australia. This paper uses 1967 and 1979 survey data to analyse vote switching in Australian elections. We argue, firstly, that turnover tables based on recalled voting are, as research in other countries has shown, inaccurate reflections of the election result. As an alternative, we propose a measure of ‘potential’ vote switching based on the concept of lifetime voting. Secondly, using this concept of lifetime voting to derive a measure of party commitment allows the construction of a three‐fold typology of Australian voters — partisans, marginals and switchers. Finally, a longitudinal analysis of the voting patterns of these three groups indicates a gradual erosion of electoral commitment to the Liberal party, whereas Labor has largely retained its partisan base.     

General Roatta's war against the partisans in Yugoslavia: 1942

During General Mario Roatta's tenure as commander of the Italian 2nd Army in Yugoslavia, he faced a mounting Communist insurgency. To defeat the partisan forces of Tito, he resorted to proactive politics and a strategy of counter-insurgency. Owing to Italian military weakness and his army's lack of training in guerrilla warfare, Roatta was not averse to enlisting the services of Orthodox Serbs in Croatia, who the previous year had asked for Italian protection after a fearful massacre had been unleashed against them by Mussolini's handpicked ruler in Zagreb, the Croatian Usta?a leader Ante Paveli?. Against the wishes of the Fascist government in Rome, Roatta armed Serbs (called ?etniks) because they agreed to assist the Italian legions in fighting the partisans, their common ideological foe. But as Yugoslavia descended into civil war – one triggered by the Axis invasion – Roatta paid a price for his freelance pro-Serb politicking by alienating Zagreb, irritating the Germans, and dismaying his superiors in Rome. Italian policy was reduced to a tug-of-war between the Fascist empire-builders surrounding Mussolini and the military command in Yugoslavia, and Roatta became enmeshed in a cobweb of intrigues involving Croats, ?etniks and Germans. Apart from political manoeuvring, Roatta, in the ineluctable necessity of defeating the partisans, devised a detailed strategy of counter-insurgency. On 1 March 1942, he circulated a pamphlet entitled ‘3C’ among his commanders that spelled out military reform and draconian measures to intimidate the Slav populations into silence by means of summary executions, hostage-taking, reprisals, internments and the burning of houses and villages. By his reckoning, military necessity knew no choice, and law required only lip service. Roatta's merciless suppression of partisan insurgency was not mitigated by his having saved the lives of both Serbs and Jews from the persecution of Italy's allies Germany and Croatia. Under his watch, the 2nd Army's record of violence against the Yugoslav population easily matched the German. Tantamount to a declaration of war on civilians, Roatta's ‘3C’ pamphlet involved him in war crimes.     

The Liberal National Coalition,Australian Labor Party and Africa: two decades of partisanship in Australia’s foreign policy

The issue of bipartisanship in Australian foreign policy is not often substantially addressed. The country’s relations with the world appear to exhibit strong continuity regardless of the political party in government. And yet, when it comes to engagement with African states and issues, the last two decades have seen highly prominent partisan differences in Australian foreign policy. This article utilises the example of Australia’s foreign policy engagement with Africa to argue that there may be two levels of understanding bipartisanship in Australian foreign policy. On the one hand, aimed at relationships and issues perceived to be of primal and significant security and economic well-being for the country, Australian foreign policy does indeed appear to be bipartisan. However, aimed at relationships and issues that have traditionally been perceived as holding minimal security and economic interest and importance for the country, Australian foreign policy does exhibit partisanship.     

From Partisan Warfare to Memory Battlefields: Two Women's Stories about the Second World War and Its Aftermath in Lithuania

This article explores how women fighters tell their stories in relation to the dominant state narratives about a partisan war. In addition to engaging their individual stories, it explores how they speak, write and act as memory entrepreneurs, creating collective memory about a past that they have experienced instead of allowing others to select actors and events for historical narratives. It argues that memory regimes and gender cultures are intertwined, and that gender cultures are essential in understanding the cultural choices made by memory entrepreneurs in memory making. The article analyses the oral testimonies and written memoirs of two women, Rakhel’ Margolis and Aldona Vilutien? (neé Sabaityt?), who were partisans in Lithuania during the Second World War (Margolis) and its aftermath (Vilutien?) and created the first museums dealing with the Second World War and its legacy in post‐Soviet Lithuania. Read as stories about what it was like to be a woman during a partisan war, the narratives include some common themes: widespread betrayal, the difficult physical conditions that they had to endure as women and the vulnerability that came with these experiences. Read as stories told by memory entrepreneurs, the narratives reveal that the two women acted as mnemonic warriors fighting for competing memory regimes built on opposing gender ideologies.     

漢唐之際遺詔的變遷及意義

漢代的遺詔裏只有關於行皇帝喪葬禮時減輕負擔的指示。東晉到南朝,出現指命非皇太子者作爲後繼皇帝的遺詔,並且出現保證後繼皇帝統治能力的文章。在北朝,北魏孝文帝以後出現和魏晉南朝同樣的遺詔。與南朝指命後繼皇帝的遺詔相比,北朝的遺詔裏保證本人統治能力的語言表現得更爲詳細,這種遺詔在唐朝形成了類型化。並且,唐朝的遺詔傳達全國,全國的人民可以確認新皇帝依據先帝遺詔即位的事實。這種遺詔在漢代到唐代的變遷,反映了中國統治體制變化的一個值得注意的事實。     

汉代黄老学述略——兼及曹魏时期

两汉是中国哲学史上黄老思想发展的重要阶段。西汉前期,部分地方黄老学派由隐而显,先后进入朝廷,开创了黄老学由民间学说飞跃而为官方统治思想的局面。汉武帝时期“罢黜百家,表彰‘六经’”虽为黄老学发展的转折点,但仅止于政治意识形态领域,在其他方面黄老学仍然有很大的发展。自西汉前期至东汉后期,有黄老学者或集聚于王公卿相门下讲论“道”“德”,或授徒讲学、著书立说,从而形成了若干地方黄老学中心。司马迁所说“儒道互绌”应是特殊情况下的个别而非普遍现象。司马迁前后学黄老者更多的是儒道兼习而学有所偏。汉魏时期崇习黄老的学者中,不但出现了家庭式、家族式的黄老学者团体,而且出现了对黄老学发展发挥了重要作用的三位女性。