中世纪和近代早期英国关税性质的演变

中世纪和近代早期,英国关税性质发生了根本性变化,从一种国王特权税,逐渐演变为处于议会严格控制下的议会间接税。中世纪和1625年前的近代早期,关税主要是国王的一种特权税。1625-1660年间,随着议会和王权斗争的高涨,以及议会的暂时胜利,关税一度转变为处于议会直接控制下的间接税。复辟时期,关税的最终课征批准权继续掌握在议会手中,但因缺少日常操控权,其关税权残缺不全。光荣革命后,因议会在与王权的斗争中取得了决定性胜利,关税演变为完全由议会严格控制的间接税。     

中世纪后期英国世俗贵族阶层的历史辨析

在中世纪后期的英国,随着经济社会的变动与议会君主制的形成,世俗贵族在层级划分上渐趋严格,形成了爵位贵族、男爵、小贵族三个阶层。而在爵位贵族、男爵中,则有一个享有显赫政治特权的议会贵族群体,他们对王国高层政治活动的直接参与,直接影响到了封建君主政治的历史走向。同时,由于"变态封建主义"的盛行,在议会贵族中,区域性大贵族———超级臣属———日益崛起,他们通过承接国王对"合同军"的征召,以付酬军役组建私家军队,强势干预国家政治,操控议会,甚至借助议会这个平台武力篡夺王位。由此,君权与贵族的冲突,构成了中世纪后期英国政治史的一个显著特征。     

16世纪英国议会解读

16世纪的英国人看重议员身份并重视议会立法,说明英国此时已初步建立法治社会,法律受到尊重,且议会拥有立法权威。溯其迹象可追至中世纪。除了西欧封建制中的契约因素和英国在此基础上形成的普通法体系外,英国中世纪确立的法律专业性、"先在理性"原则及其对政治权力的制约倾向也不容忽视。从16到17世纪,英国宪政发展在什么程度上具有转型性质,是一个值得探讨的问题。     

评日本当代历史修正主义

从80年代初开始,日本掀起了一股否认战争责任、拒绝战争反省和谢罪赔偿的历史修正主义逆流。到90年代,这股逆流越发泛滥,并同日本政府、议会、执政党的部分高官、财界人士及右翼势力沆瀣一气,形成了一股在不同程度上干预朝政、影响民众、改写历史的政治力量。本从历史修正主义产生的政治社会背景切题,评述了各历史修正主义团伙、派别的理论观点及其实质,揭示其在各类社会活动中的表演,进而把历史修正主义的真实嘴脸暴露在读面前。     

西方学者对中古后期英国世俗贵族群体政治活动的历史解读

西方史学界对中古后期英国政治史的研究素来聚焦在对议会的考量上。然而,要全面理解中世纪后期的英国政治史,仅仅研究议会的历史是不够的,还应该研究那些在议会内外活动的政治势力尤其是世俗贵族群体的活动,因为它们对议会活动的主题与限度乃至整个王国发展之政治走向具有重要的乃至关键的影响。探讨那些在王国政治生活中具有举足轻重地位的大贵族即所谓的"超级臣民"因而有着重要意义。     

从中世纪欧洲文明到近现代西方权力制衡体系

近代欧洲资产阶级革命的兴起使得封建王权不再是至高无上的权威,议会与宪法成为各国政治势力角逐的场所与准则,分权与制衡也逐步成为各国政治体系构建的基础。然而,这一切并不是凭空形成的,正是中世纪欧洲那1000多年的文明孕育了后世的一整套权力制衡体系。     

从流民法看都铎时期议会与王权的关系

都铎时期是英国从中世纪封建社会向近代资本主义社会过渡的历史大变革时期。英国虽确立了君主专制制度,但国王在政策上仍需要议会的支持,议会亦需要王权的保护。这种“互助”的关系也反映在流民立法上。当英国出现严重的流民问题时,议会颁布的一系列法令法规中充分体现了国王的意志。因此,无论是“血腥立法”还是“社会福利”立法,其根本目的都是解决社会危机,避免发生动乱,稳固统治,在这一点上议会与国土的利益是一致的,国王与议会的关系是对立统一的。     

詹姆士一世专制主义的现实困境——三论“英国民族国家形成过程中的宗教因素”

詹姆士一世竭力强调君权神授理论,意在追求他作为一个外来君主继承英国王位的合法性和加强专制主义统治。在此基础上,他对内推行看似宽容,实则接近天主教的宗教政策,对外追逐和平主义,其实是屈从国际天主教势力的外交政策,这不仅违背了英国中世纪以来形成的自由传统和"王在法下"、"王在议会"的混合君主制的宪政原则,而且也严重地脱离了英吉利民族追求国家独立发展的客观实际。17世纪中期的英国革命,表面上是由外来的斯图亚特王朝这个偶然因素促成的,实际上,它是英国反传统力量与维护传统力量之间冲突的结果。固然,斯图亚特初期英国的社会矛盾尚没有尖锐到不可收拾的地步,但是,詹姆士的专制统治却埋下了日后内战与革命的种子。     

历史上以色列议会民主制浅析

以色列作为中东地区唯一实行议会民主政治制的国家,一直被誉为"专制沙漠中的民主绿洲"。虽然以色列的政治体制大体上沿袭于西方的政治传统,但又明显融合了以色列自身的历史传统文化因素,形成来源于西方而又区别于西方的独特的政治体制,在中东这块君主专制的沙漠中形成了它独具特色的议会民主制体制,深深影响着以色列的政治现状和政治发展。     

杜能的经济圈境理论与中世纪英格兰领主经济

在中世纪英格兰经济史研究领域最近形成了一种商业化理论。他们以冯.杜能的经济圈境理论为基础,认为城市需求是促进乡村经济发展的决定性力量,距离城市越近,农业的商品化程度越高。但是,中世纪英格兰领主自营地经济的商品化与这种理论多有出入。这是因为中世纪英格兰的经济实际并不符合冯.杜能理论中隐含着的前提条件。商业化派将冯.杜能的理论用于研究中世纪经济存在时代错位的问题。     

Comparative and transnational perspectives on the introduction of multiculturalism in post-war Sweden

In the 1970s, Canada, Sweden and Australia became the first countries in the West to adopt formally the idea of multiculturalism as a basis for the political management of immigrant settlement. This article compares the introduction of the idea and politics of multiculturalism in Sweden in the 1960s and 1970s to the introduction of multiculturalism in Canada and Australia during the same time period. The emergence of a politics of multiculturalism in Sweden shares many similarities with the emergence of Canadian and Australian multiculturalism: ‘white’ and ‘European’ immigrant minority groups; ethnic lobbying; expert and academic advocacy; multiculturalist public officials; and effectual claims-making based on the innovative idea of multiculturalism. The comparative perspective on the birth of Swedish multiculturalism furthermore highlights Finland as an important historical and transnational factor in the introduction of official multiculturalism in Sweden. The article contributes to research on the history of multiculturalism, the politics of ethnic diversity in Sweden and comparative research on modern Swedish history.     

Trends in adult stature of peoples who inhabited the modern Portuguese territory from the Mesolithic to the late 20th century

This study documents long‐term changes in stature from the Mesolithic to the late 20^th century in the territory of modern Portugal. Data utilised originated from published sources and from a sample of the Lisbon identified skeletal collection, where long bone lengths were collected. Mean long bone lengths were obtained from 20 population samples and compiled into nine periods. Pooled long bone lengths for each period were then converted to stature estimates. Results show three major trends: (1) a slow increase in stature from prehistory to the Middle Ages; (2) a negative trend from the Middle Ages to the late 19^th century; and (3) a very rapid increase in mean stature during the second half of the 20^th century. The political and territorial stability of the Kingdom of Portugal may have contributed to the greater heights of the medieval Portuguese, compared with the Roman and Modern periods. The negative secular trend was rooted in poor and unsanitary living conditions and the spread of infectious disease, brought about by increased population growth and urbanisation. Although the end of the Middle Ages coincided with the age of discoveries, the population may not have benefited from the overall prosperity of this period. The 20^th century witnessed minor and slow changes in the health status of the Portuguese, but it was not until major improvements in social and economic conditions that were initiated in the 1960s, and further progress in the 1970s, that the Portuguese grew taller than ever before. Since the Middle Ages other European countries have experienced similar oscillations, but showed an earlier recovery in stature after the industrial period. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Universitäre Freiräume im Spätmittelalter als Wegbereiter neuzeitlicher Naturwissenschaft

University freedom in late Middle Ages as a way to modern natural history: The question regarding the relation between faith and natural history in late Middle Ages was answered in different ways. In the way of thinking shaped by Augustinian philosophy there existed, in early Middle Ages, a close connection between natural science and religious belief. In the second half of the 13th century attempts were made at dividing natural science from supernatural sphere. In late Middle Ages it was endeavoured not only to liberate natural history from the domination of theology and metaphysics but also to achieve the autonomous treatment of nature. These endeavours became fully accomplished by Nicolaus Copernicus.     

Crusade narratives in French and German history textbooks, 1871–1914

This article is a comparative study of crusade portrayals in French and German history textbooks published between 1871 and 1914. The crusades had been events that had moved practically all of Europe in the Middle Ages. In the course of the nineteenth century the crusades once more became a matter of scientific, cultural and therefore public interest. Crusade narratives portrayed these events as the climax and the heroic period of the Middle Ages and thus offered highly varied patterns of interpretation. Although in this nationalist age France and Germany consigned themselves to national history and thus the glorification of one's own nation, this article will not only analyse the national and sub-national (denominational, Laicist …) images conveyed via this European event. It will also ask if and how the tension between nationalism and concepts of Europe were made subject of discussion in this historical ‘European event’. Therefore, it focuses on school textbooks as a source that, during the period in question, was responsible for a significant portion of national mythology and cultural memory as conveyed by media.     

德意志之名:德国国名的起源与国号的演变

现代德语中,德国国名"Deutschland"一词起源于中世纪早期日耳曼民族语言的名称"theodiscus""diutisk"等词,具有语言、民族、地理和政治等多个层面的含义。国号中通常会包含国名的地理或民族因素,但长期以来,德国特殊的政治体制和政治形态导致中世纪时期大部分德国国号与自身的地理和民族名称相分离。直到1871年,"德意志"(Deutsch)才成为德国国号的主要部分; 1949年,"德国"(Deutschland)才成为国号的组成部分。德国的国号根据历代统治者政治理念的改变而不断变化。通过考察德国国名的起源与国号的演变,可以更为深刻地理解德国历史的特殊性和延续性。     

Sir John Coxe Hippisley: That ‘Busy Man’ in the Cause of Catholic Emancipation

The late 18th and early 19th centuries represent a critical time for the emergence of modernity in western political life. Of particular interest is the confluence at that time of increased religious toleration with political reform. Research for an earlier study, Parliamentary Politics of a County and its Town: General Elections in Suffolk and Ipswich in the Eighteenth Century (Westport, 2002), led to an examination of Sir John Coxe Hippisley, MP (1747–1825). In many ways, his political career is an exemplar of the broader conflicts of contemporary English political life writ small. Set between 1790 and 1818, Hippisley's parliamentary career is fascinating, for while he was an active and precocious supporter of catholic emancipation, he represented Sudbury in Suffolk, a borough with a high proportion of protestant dissenters. His constituents found Hippisley's enthusiasm for catholic emancipation repugnant, but not so much so that they could not be convinced to continue to vote for him if the price was right. Consequently a constant and expensive wooing of his constituents marked his parliamentary career. On a national level, Hippisley's constant and public pursuit of catholic emancipation, coupled with his equally avid quest for preferment, led to a series of quixotic contradictions in his political behaviour. Hippisley and his political adventures thus represent a crucial development stage in the movement for religious freedom in England and the west, as well as providing an illuminating case study on the dynamics of local politics in the time leading up to the first great age of reform.     

The 18th-century traditions of representation in a new age of revolution

What happened to shared historical experiences in the discursive processes of constitutional reform in Sweden and Finland? This article examines the use of 18th-century history in early 20th-century politics. Building on a long-term survey of Swedish and Finnish estate and parliamentary debates, it analyses the political implications of differing national historiographies in the two successor states of the 18th-century Swedish realm, focusing on how the ancient past and collective (and often selective) memories of the Age of Absolutism, the Age of Liberty and the Gustavian Age were used by parliamentarians in constitutional debates. The analysis demonstrates how the Finnish polity continued to be profoundly influenced by these 18th-century constitutions even after the Russian Revolution, while Sweden took the post-French Revolution constitution of 1809 as its point of departure. In both countries, interpretations of the long 18th century were ideologically motivated in an age of the parliamentarization of government and the democratization of the representative system. This leads us to a discussion of the history-political significance of the common and differing understandings of representative government in the two interconnected countries.     

(UN)DOING HISTORY: A CASE FOR EPISTEMOLOGICAL ALTERITY

This article addresses two primary tensions that currently beset medieval history. The first concerns a contentious debate within the field regarding the relative merits of two interpretative approaches: that which seeks to situate the Middle Ages within a narrative of continuity wherein aspects of the medieval bear some relationship of familiarity with the present and that which accords a radical alterity to the past that instigates moments of historical rupture. The second tension concerns the fraught relationship between history as a site of knowledge production with some proximity to engaging and producing truth and history as constructed, wherein its purported object of study, the past, is not an ontological fact but a cultural artifact. In this instance, what we witness is less a debate among scholars within history than an amorphic anxiety about history. This article makes a case for engaging the radical alterity that confronts the historian of the Middle Ages. It does so, however, cognizant of an ontological impasse: if alterity is attentive to difference, a difference that resists translation into modern knowledge regimes, then what does it mean to engage it historically—that is, through a temporal structure that would have been foreign to the very period of study?     

The Political Mistress: Intimacy,Emotion, and Parliamentary Politics in the Late 18th Century

Between c.1796 and 1809, Lady Harriet Ponsonby, Countess Bessborough and Lord Granville Leveson Gower were embroiled in a passionate affair. Their liaison created tensions in aristocratic society because they belonged to rival political parties, the Whigs and the Tories respectively. In the early years of their relationship, Leveson Gower was emerging on the political scene, while the countess was already well-versed in the complexities of party politics. Leveson Gower thus solicited her advice and support and Bessborough duly shared her knowledge and insight into the political world, which created an unusual dynamic that scholars have yet to explore. This article examines several letters that Bessborough wrote to Leveson Gower to analyse how she supported her lover's fledgling parliamentary career and how she navigated their political differences. I argue that Bessborough adapted a rhetoric of affection, deference, duty, and loyalty, that was typically used by aristocratic wives, to justify her interest in her lover's career and her passion for parliamentary politics. This article contributes to scholarship that explores aristocratic women's political participation by examining the strategies a political mistress could employ to exert influence over men. It also illustrates the value of using methodologies from the history of emotions to investigate the drives and passions that shaped interactions in the late 18th-century political sphere.     

Scottish Historical Archaeology: International Agendas and Local Politics

Historical archaeology as practiced in Scotland is divergent from the mainstream tradition of historical archaeology/post-medieval archaeology that dominates North America and the English-speaking world. Cultural and historical forces have shaped an historical archaeology with a deeper time depth, which extends back into the Middle Ages. It also focuses on different subjects reflecting the political concerns associated with Scottish national identity. Examples drawn from Glasgow’s history are used to illustrate the distinctiveness of the Scottish tradition and how it is evolving. I argue that one of its strengths of Scottish historical archaeology is that it provides a corrective contrast to the subjects and approaches which dominate historical archaeology in the English-speaking world.