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1.
Rebecca Redfern 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2010,20(4):443-471
The study macroscopically examined 270 sexed adults and 190 subadult individuals for evidence of ante mortem fractures and surgical practice in Dorset, during the Iron Age (5th century BC to 1st century AD) and Romano‐British period (1st century to the end of the 4th century AD), in order to understand medical treatment in both periods and determine the extent to which these practices changed post conquest (43 AD). As treatment during these periods is not well understood, a conservative approach to fracture analysis was employed, which attempted to minimise the influence of fracture type and location on results by excluding bones in which fracture deformities may only be corrected by surgery. The study also excluded fractures resulting from bone mineralisation diseases or neoplasms. Skeletal evidence for surgical treatment was identified using funerary, taphonomic and osteological criterion to determine when the surgery took place, and to establish that changes were not caused by post mortem activity. The analysis of fracture treatment demonstrated that in both periods, adult fractures were well set with few secondary changes; a result also influenced by the stable nature of the fracture types. No evidence for sex‐differences in treatment was observed. Evidence for surgery was identified in two Romano‐British individuals: an unsuccessful limb amputation, and an embryotomy procedure that was most likely carried out in an attempt to save the mother. This regional assessment of medical treatment has shown that in both periods, highly skilled practitioners were able to successfully treat a range of fractures and by doing so, minimised the patient's risk of impairment. The study also supplements the very limited archaeological evidence for medical practice and surgery in Iron Age and Roman Britain, and suggests that post conquest, surgical knowledge rapidly increased in association with wider socio‐cultural developments in education, pharmacology and sanitation. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
2.
A male skeleton from the Romano‐British site at Kingsholm, Gloucester, is described with abnormalities in the humerus, femur, tibia, fibula and foot. Computed tomography of the femora to enable cross‐sectional analysis suggested altered normal gait to compensate for the deformity. Differential diagnoses are considered and a diagnosis of clubfoot deformity is suggested. Palaeopathological evidence for clubfoot is rare in the literature but the cases reported to date are reviewed. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
3.
M. E. Lewis 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2012,22(6):685-693
The diagnosis of thalassaemia in archaeological populations has long been hindered by a lack of pathogonomic features, and the non‐specific nature of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis. In fact, clinical research has highlighted more specific diagnostic criteria for thalassaemia major and intermedia based on changes to the thorax (‘rib‐within‐a‐rib’ and costal osteomas). A recent re‐examination of 364 child skeletons from Romano‐British Poundbury Camp, Dorset revealed children with general ‘wasting’ of the bones and three children who demonstrated a variety of severe lesions (e.g. zygomatic bone and rib hypertrophy, porotic hyperostosis, rib lesions, osteopenia and pitted diaphyseal shafts) that are inconsistent with dietary deficiency alone, and more consistent with a diagnosis of genetic anaemia. Two of these children displayed rib lesions typical of those seen in modern cases of thalassaemia. The children of Poundbury Camp represent the first cases of genetic anaemia identified in a British archaeological population. As thalassaemia is a condition strongly linked to Mediterranean communities, the presence of this condition in a child from England, found within a mausoleum, suggests that they were born to wealthy immigrant parents living in this small Roman settlement in Dorset. This paper explores the diagnostic criteria for genetic anaemia in the archaeological literature and what its presence in ancient populations can contribute to our knowledge of past human migration. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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5.
Scurvy in children is poorly known in the palaeopathological literature despite biomedical references indicating that bone changes do occur in some cases and should be observable in human skeletal remains. Research on infants' and children's skulls in museum and anatomical collections in the USA and Europe reveals a complex of features on the external surface of the greater wing of the sphenoid and adjacent bone tissue that may be caused by scurvy. The lesions are bilateral and are characterized by porosity and, in some cases, hypertrophic bone formation. These abnormal bone changes are probably the result of a reaction to chronic haemorrhage in the deep vasculature associated with temporalis muscle function. While these lesions resemble those seen in anaemia and infection, their distinctive anatomical location and association with chewing should differentiate them, in most cases, from other disease conditions. These features are also associated with porous, hypertrophic lesions of the orbital roof and provide additional evidence that caution is needed in attributing porous lesions of the orbital roof solely to anaemia. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
6.
It has long been recognised that cattle horn‐cores are sexually dimorphic, and many methods have been developed using archaeological material for differentiating between specimens belonging to cows, bulls and oxen. Whilst these techniques have been adopted widely by zooarchaeologists, in particular those studying medieval and post‐medieval tannery and horn‐working assemblages, they are highly subjective and their reliability has never been tested using material from cattle of known sex. This paper seeks to redress the balance. It presents the results of a study of 19th and 20th century cattle horn‐cores, from animals of known age, sex and breed, which were examined and measured in order to test the validity of traditional horn‐core sexing techniques. Previously claimed traits of sexual variation are here refuted, and a new metrical threshold for separating the males and females of ‘medium‐horned’ and ‘long‐horned’ types are presented. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
7.
G. J. R. Maat 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2004,14(2):77-81
Prior to the Dutch maritime expansion of the 17th and 18th centuries, scurvy was known in the Low Countries as an endemic disease. From the end of the 16th century the disease started to draw much more attention due to increasing long sea journeys of sailors. Already in the Dutch medical literature of the 16th century, a strong relation was expressed between the prolonged taking of foodstuffs of poor quality and the risk of contracting scurvy. Although from that time, many Dutch physicians recommended oranges, scurvy grass and brook‐lime, it took 200 years before inadequate therapy on the fleet was replaced by systematic prevention. Why did the old time effective recommendations for the therapy of scurvy stay inadequate for mariners? To understand, maritime and medical history were unfolded and evaluated with respect to palaeopathological findings reported for 39 cases of active scurvy and one case of healed scurvy. The palaeopathology of scurvy in adults and still growing youngsters was investigated from the remains of 50 Dutch whalers who had been buried during the 17th and 18th centuries on an island of the Spitsbergen Archipelago. Conforming the clinical literature, the original haematomas from scurvy were found as a black staining at the tips of dental roots. In the weight‐bearing bones of the lower extremities large black stains were positioned bilaterally around endofractures of the metaphyses, bilaterally on joint surfaces and bilaterally at epiphyseal discs of youngsters. In the non‐weight‐bearing bones they were often found unilaterally, such as at insertions of muscles. Immunoenzymatic staining of microscopic sections proved that the black stains were from remnants of denatured haemoglobin. No microscopic bone repair activities had happened. In a case of healed scurvy it could even be demonstrated how many times the recovery process had taken place from the layers of appositional bone which had replaced the original subperiosteal haematomas. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
8.
The type and distribution of abnormalities in the skeleton of a child 2 years of age indicates that the child likely suffered from scurvy at the time of death. The burial is from the archaeological site of Zidine, Mačvanska Mitrovica, Serbia dated to the Medieval Period. Abnormal porosity and reactive woven bone formation are present affecting both the axial and appendicular skeleton. This case of scurvy is important because archaeological evidence of scurvy in this geographical location and at this time period is unknown. It is also important because the relative completeness of the skeleton and the widespread evidence of skeletal abnormalities provide additional insight regarding the skeletal manifestations of scurvy in young children. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
9.
During archaeological excavation of St George's church, Canterbury, 269 skeletons ranging from early medieval to late nineteenth century were recovered. A medieval female aged ca. 23–28 years displayed an unusual dental anomaly, an odontome. Odontomes are infrequent in clinical dentistry. A search of the literature suggests that very few archaeological examples have been published and our specimen is the first excavated case reported from Britain. Archaeological material, if subject to radiographic examination, provides a unique source of information for the prevalence of odontomes from prehistoric to modern times. 相似文献
10.
V. Pozhidaev A. Kamaev A. Nuretdinova M. Kovalchuk E. Yatsishina E. Greshnikov M. Sivitskiy E. Devlet 《Archaeometry》2017,59(6):1095-1104
The Golden Horde sphero‐conical vessel retrieved from the ruins of the medieval city of Bolgar (Russia, Republic of Tatarstan) during archaeological excavations, which contained residue in the form of encrustation on the bottom and the wall, was analysed in the NRC ‘Kurchatov Institute’ by X‐ray phase analysis and high‐performance liquid and gas chromatography with MS detectors (HPLC–MS, GC–MS). The GC–MS method established that the residue from the sphero‐conical vessel was comprised primarily of abietic acid derivatives (around 46%) and retene, which is polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon (around 27%); this means that turpentine exuded from the stems of certain species of coniferous trees, called resin and subsequently heat‐treated, was poured into the vessel. Researchers have been trying to decipher the function of these mysterious vessels for 200 years, and this is the first time that resin stored in a sphero‐conical vessel has been documented. Potentially, this vessel was probably used as a personal ‘medical kit’. 相似文献
11.
《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(4):335-349
Historians remain undecided over whether or not women actually took up arms during crusading expeditions. Opinions vary widely, from denying that women could ever be true crucesignati to concluding that they took an active role in the fighting, This study focuses on the Third Crusade, for which the chronicle evidence is particularly full. Some of the narrative accounts of the crusade never mention women or even deny that they took part, while others describe their assisting crusaders in constructing siege works or performing menial tasks. The Muslim sources for the Third Crusade, however, depict Christian women taking part in the fighting, armed as knights. The study discusses the reasons behind these divergent depictions of women in the Third Crusade. It examines the evidence for women taking an active part in military activity in Europe, and concludes that women could certainly have taken an active military role in the Third Crusade. Yet, as the European sources are silent on the subject, it is unlikely that women did play a significant military role, although it is possible that some fought in particularly desperate battles. 相似文献
12.
Helen Nicholson 《Journal of Medieval History》1997,23(4):335-349
Historians remain undecided over whether or not women actually took up arms during crusading expeditions. Opinions vary widely, from denying that women could ever be true crucesignati to concluding that they took an active role in the fighting, This study focuses on the Third Crusade, for which the chronicle evidence is particularly full. Some of the narrative accounts of the crusade never mention women or even deny that they took part, while others describe their assisting crusaders in constructing siege works or performing menial tasks. The Muslim sources for the Third Crusade, however, depict Christian women taking part in the fighting, armed as knights. The study discusses the reasons behind these divergent depictions of women in the Third Crusade. It examines the evidence for women taking an active part in military activity in Europe, and concludes that women could certainly have taken an active military role in the Third Crusade. Yet, as the European sources are silent on the subject, it is unlikely that women did play a significant military role, although it is possible that some fought in particularly desperate battles. 相似文献
13.
Anna Pankowsk Patrik Galeta Petra Uhlík Sp v
kov Karel Nov
ek 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2019,29(6):908-921
Medieval monasteries often went beyond their religious mission and developed into economic, social, and educational centres. These were not spared from violent attack on the part of the gentry. The defence of such monasteries is, however, a poorly investigated area in bioarchaeological studies. A recently excavated skeletal sample found in front of the western gate of the Abbey Church at the Teplá monastery (Czech Republic) dated between the 13th and 15th century AD provides us a unique opportunity to fill this gap. The analysis of skeletal trauma reveals that 13 out of 30 individuals exhibited trauma, of which 69% were confidently related to violence. All individuals with injuries were males, and half of them were younger than 30 years of age. The presence of ante‐mortem injuries indicates that males likely had previous combat experience, were successfully treated, and their bodies were buried with respect and care. The most probable explanation of our findings is that the individuals were a group of clients who were tasked with the defence of the Teplá monastery. Other, less likely explanations assume that individuals were laity, monastery benefactors, and/or canons killed during several different violent attacks directed at the monastery. 相似文献
14.
M. A. B. Ellis 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2016,26(5):759-766
This paper presents the results of an examination of scurvy in the commingled subadult remains (minimum number of individuals = 70) of the Spring Street Presbyterian Church. This historic congregation in New York City had active burial vaults from 1820 to 1846. Scurvy is a vitamin C deficiency that results in haemorrhaging at the sites of muscle origin and insertion, particularly around the skull. These resulting lesions can occur in subadults undergoing growth, weaning and dietary stress. Applying diagnoses suggested by recent research, this article examines specific sites on the skull for lesions consistent with and suggestive of scurvy. Findings include 30 elements that display associated pathology. This population data are drawn from maxillae, sphenoids and orbits. Two osteobiographies are also presented. By connecting the biological data to the socio‐cultural environment of the church, this article raises questions of how to interpret the presence and absence of scurvy in a commingled collection. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
15.
Trevor Dean 《European Review of History》2011,18(4):545-561
This paper examines a key issue in the history of the climate in the pre-instrumental period, that is, how to use narrative sources which make frequent references to weather events, but which need contextualised interpretation. The paper follows an argument that climatological techniques for deriving temperature indices from chronicles, though they have become increasingly elaborate and refined, nevertheless leave out much that is of interest to the social historian. This paper explores the area of the what-is-left-behind when chronicle narratives are reduced to numerical indices. Investigating a broad range of Latin and Italian chronicles from fourteenth and fifteenth-century Italy, the paper draws three main conclusions: that sensitivity to weather events not only varied greatly among writers (as one might expect) but so too did their use of severe weather to serve the purposes of narrative (through sequencing, metaphor and analogy); that sensitivity to meteorological anomaly changed during the period, especially in the fifteenth century with the spread of prognosticating verses; and that the broadening of chroniclers' interests in weather, both ordinary and extraordinary, and in its effects on everyday, material life may allow a connection to and re-evaluation of the Burckhartian idea of the Renaissance ‘discovery of the world’. 相似文献
16.
Linear enamel hypoplasia (LEH) is a macroscopically detectable band‐like dental defect, which represents localized decrease in enamel thickness caused by some form of disruption to a child's health. Such dental deformations are utilized in osteoarchaeological research as permanent markers of childhood physiological stress and have been extensively studied in numerous ancient human populations. However, currently there is no such data for medieval populations from Canterbury, UK. Here, LEH is examined in the context of age‐at‐death in human burials from the medieval St. Gregory's Priory and adjacent cemetery (11th–16th centuries), Canterbury, UK. The cemetery and Priory burials represented lower (n = 30) and higher status (n = 19) social groups, respectively. Linear enamel hypoplastic defects were counted on mandibular and maxillary anterior permanent teeth (n = 374). The age and sex of each skeleton were estimated using standard methods. Differences in LEH counts, age‐at‐death, and LEH formation ages were sought between the two social groups. Results indicate significantly greater frequencies of LEH in the Cemetery (mean = 17.6) compared to the Priory (mean = 7.9; t = −3.03, df = 46, p = 0.002). Adult age‐at‐death was also significantly lower in the Cemetery (mean = 39.8 years) compared to the Priory burials (mean = 44.1 years; t = 2.275, df = 47, p = 0.013). Hypoplasia formation ages differed significantly between the Priory (mean = 2.49 years) and Cemetery (mean = 3.22 years; t = 2.076; df = 47; p = 0.034) individuals. Results indicate that childhood stress may reflect adult mortality in this sample, and that the wellbeing of individuals from diverse social backgrounds can be successfully assessed using LEH analyses. Results are discussed in terms of the multifactorial etiology of LEH, as well as weaning‐related LEH formation. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
17.
Although trephination of sub-adults in antiquity is rare, scurvy both infantile and adult, is even more rare in the archaeological record. Pathological changes appearing in the maxilla, mandible and orbits of a child of 8–9 years of age are highly suggestive of infantile scurvy. Advanced forms of this metabolic disturbance lead to severe subperiosteal haemorrhaging, at times turning the skin of the face and skull black. This condition may have led to the trephination along the sagittal suture as a form of blood letting in hopes of draining the subperiosteal haemorrhage in the cranium. Although cause and effect are often confusing in antiquity, the surgical intervention presented here led to the ultimate death of the child. 相似文献
18.
D. A. Sear S. R. Bacon A. Murdock G. Doneghan P. Baggaley C. Serra T. P. LeBas 《International Journal of Nautical Archaeology》2011,40(1):113-132
This paper presents the results of an integrated historical and geophysical survey of a medieval town lost through cliff recession and coastal inundation. Key objectives included evaluating historic maps in supporting the relocation and identification of major buildings, and applying integrated multibeam, side‐scan and sub‐bottom profiling to determine the location and extent of archaeological remains. The results demonstrate that cartographic sources from 1587 onwards can be a reliable source of data to guide geophysical survey. Integration of historical mapping with geophysical data enabled identification of the remains of two medieval structures, and the tentative identification of two others. © 2010 The Authors 相似文献
19.
M. Melikian 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2006,16(2):138-144
In 1999 the AOC Archaeology Group excavated the cemetery of All Hallows by the Tower, London, UK, prior to redevelopment. The majority of the burials are post‐medieval, dating from circa 1776 to 1835. Skeleton (4105) was buried with a lead coffin plate. The data on the coffin plate revealed that the skeleton was that of Ann Sumpter, who died aged 31 years on the 25 May 1794. The skeleton displays pathology that is indicative of a metastatic carcinoma. A precise diagnosis is not possible, but given the individual is female it is statistically most likely the secondaries have originated from a breast or lung tumour. Breast tumours are thought to have been more common than lung tumours in the past, and therefore the most probable diagnosis is a breast carcinoma. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
20.
Diana Mahoney Swales 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2019,29(2):198-219
The lack of grave goods in cemeteries from later Anglo‐Saxon England (eighth to 11th century AD) has in the past been interpreted as reflecting standardisation of burial rites dictated by Christian doctrine. This study employed a biocultural approach to investigate whether variations in mortuary practices such as burial location, grave form, and body disposition within the eighth to 12th‐century Black Gate Cemetery, Newcastle‐upon‐Tyne represented alternative mediums of social display. Skeletal markers commonly associated with early life stress (cribra orbitalia and linear enamel hypoplasia), non‐specific stress (tibial periosteal lesions and maxillary sinusitis), oral health (calculus, caries, abscesses, and ante‐mortem tooth loss), and biomechanical stress (appendicular and spinal degenerative joint disease and trauma) were examined macroscopically on the skeletal remains of 643 individuals. The aim of the analysis was to investigate whether patterns in age, sex, and biological stress in the different burial locations, burial types, and body positions evidenced social status or sociocultural relationships between the different mortuary practices. Demographic and biocultural analysis revealed the inclusion of males, females, non‐adults, and the elderly in all of the mortuary practices, and no evidence for marked inequalities in biological stress between those afforded the different burial practices. The dominant influence for non‐significant trends in the stress data was variation in age‐structure between different areas of burial. However, non‐significant but consistently higher frequencies of stress indicators were observed in graves containing stone inclusions (pillow stones, head‐cists, and earmuffs) compared with those constructed from stone (cists and rubble cists) and plain burials, all burial practices with a similar mortality profile. The distribution of age and stress indicators between the mortuary practices placed in the wider sociocultural context provided a deeper insight into the complex contribution of social relationships, life‐course, pragmatism, regional and temporal trends, and cultural and religious beliefs upon treatment of the deceased. 相似文献